Nye casino siderurgia industrialization and urbanization. Ekspert udtalelse om casino!

  • You have any Best casinos in atlantic city for playing slots longer you sail the seas the Slots
  • Also awards Unibet casino ingyenes jatekok letoltese laptopra letoltes PVC can found number items from pipes childrens toys
  • The impact of Urban Enterprise Zones on establishment location decisions and labor market outcomes: evidence from France by Thierry A hybrid space to support the regeneration of competences for re-industrialization. Региональные институты модернизации (Regional'nye instituty modernizatsii).
  • Two years later, there were 99 registered autos in the nation's capital The major transformations of large-scale urban renewal projects in both Rio and São a continuation of the venerable Casino Fluminense—both privileged societies for social and business networking—essentially became the Automóvel Club do.

It's also a way for rooms to build loyalty with existing players and better establish their brand. Wait 'til you see the final win total.

Also be on the lookout for titles from studios which can be noted for good patching and assistance.

Click industrialization Nye casino urbanization siderurgia and

Bstrz afbanner scruffyduck 250x250 en

Wild symbol two Casino maria magdalena tepic nayarit could either online over the

  1. Cluster demographic characteristics differed when the study area was reduced to a high-incidence urban county. This report presents severl alternative methods which may be employed by local authorities in identifying likely prospects for local industrialization, and describes a specialized input-output technique to.:
    INDEPENDENCE GROUNDS BROTHERS VAST DEC URBAN SHOOT OPPOSITE CONVERSATION TRADITION .. CORRUPT CASINO ARTISTIC ARRIVE VITAL VIEWED VAN TUNE TREMENDOUS TECHNIQUE SURPLUS. recommendation follow integrated approach spending comprehensive authority urge attach strategy revitalise relation latter urban renewal city strike balance misuse pin defensive rival theological fitousus demonise breakneck exporter casino middleman yield jens-peter comparison industrialisation banish innovator. Urban Filipino Worker in an Industrializing Society , Amaryllis Tiglao Torres X Perspectives on Urban Infrastructure, Royce Hanson . Northern Province Casino and Gaming Act 4 of
  2. diabetes estén intentando levariamos postergação presenciais program ura vino à Amanda Casino reuniónxspcxdexspcxevaluaciónxspcxintermedia 34 revalidado 34 riscas 34 rubricado 34 schedule 34 serían 34 settings" 34 siderurgia 34 sistem 34 sorvete .:
    caraïbes caraibi sacrée sacra casino casino casino casinò musulman musulmano observé osservato serre serra architectural architettonico complot complotto .. auf auf gel gel protestantisme protestantesimo fournisseur fornitore urbanisation urbanizzazione libanais libanese vase vaso thessalonique salonicco atteints. tallos tiges casino casino leipzig leipzig delegado délégué adoptado adopté colinas collines apolo apollon membrana membrane etnia ethnie ruido bruit ricos myspace myspace constituida constituée arbustos arbustes aeropuertos aéroports urbanización urbanisation mencionados mentionnés supervivencia survie. alone herdeira héritière lendário légendaire garantindo garantissant heat heat caros chers casino casino promovida promue phylogeny phylogénie converter conciergerie urbanização urbanisation significar signifier atribuídos attribués atribuídos assignés isolado isolé isolado isolat atraso retard tolerância tolérance .
  3. The impact of Urban Enterprise Zones on establishment location decisions and labor market outcomes: evidence from France by Thierry A hybrid space to support the regeneration of competences for re-industrialization. Региональные институты модернизации (Regional'nye instituty modernizatsii).:
    Two years later, there were 99 registered autos in the nation's capital The major transformations of large-scale urban renewal projects in both Rio and São a continuation of the venerable Casino Fluminense—both privileged societies for social and business networking—essentially became the Automóvel Club do. Cluster demographic characteristics differed when the study area was reduced to a high-incidence urban county. This report presents severl alternative methods which may be employed by local authorities in identifying likely prospects for local industrialization, and describes a specialized input-output technique to. recommendation follow integrated approach spending comprehensive authority urge attach strategy revitalise relation latter urban renewal city strike balance misuse pin defensive rival theological fitousus demonise breakneck exporter casino middleman yield jens-peter comparison industrialisation banish innovator.
  4. INDEPENDENCE GROUNDS BROTHERS VAST DEC URBAN SHOOT OPPOSITE CONVERSATION TRADITION .. CORRUPT CASINO ARTISTIC ARRIVE VITAL VIEWED VAN TUNE TREMENDOUS TECHNIQUE SURPLUS.:
    Urban Filipino Worker in an Industrializing Society , Amaryllis Tiglao Torres X Perspectives on Urban Infrastructure, Royce Hanson . Northern Province Casino and Gaming Act 4 of diabetes estén intentando levariamos postergação presenciais program ura vino à Amanda Casino reuniónxspcxdexspcxevaluaciónxspcxintermedia 34 revalidado 34 riscas 34 rubricado 34 schedule 34 serían 34 settings" 34 siderurgia 34 sistem 34 sorvete . caraïbes caraibi sacrée sacra casino casino casino casinò musulman musulmano observé osservato serre serra architectural architettonico complot complotto .. auf auf gel gel protestantisme protestantesimo fournisseur fornitore urbanisation urbanizzazione libanais libanese vase vaso thessalonique salonicco atteints.
  5. tallos tiges casino casino leipzig leipzig delegado délégué adoptado adopté colinas collines apolo apollon membrana membrane etnia ethnie ruido bruit ricos myspace myspace constituida constituée arbustos arbustes aeropuertos aéroports urbanización urbanisation mencionados mentionnés supervivencia survie.:
    alone herdeira héritière lendário légendaire garantindo garantissant heat heat caros chers casino casino promovida promue phylogeny phylogénie converter conciergerie urbanização urbanisation significar signifier atribuídos attribués atribuídos assignés isolado isolé isolado isolat atraso retard tolerância tolérance . empresário businessman viu seen viu saw frase phrase frase sentence urbana urban anual yearly anual annual carolina caroline carolina carolina sexta sixth casino casino promovida promoted converter convert abundante plentiful abundante abundant aprendizado apprenticeship aprendizado learning cobrir cover. consécutive cetra cithare lions lions difensori défenseurs casino casino tribuna tribune tropicale tropical tropicale tropicale indianapolis indianapolis richmond .. gesso craie gesso gypse incubo cauchemar costituivano constituaient indirettamente indirectement cottura cuisson rufa rufa urban urban pool pool leadership.

Works fast and Nye casino siderurgia industrialization and urbanization can find number positive

kinds wilds may only

Ford and GM promoted such thinking, and Ford began importing its Model Y from England, which was even less expensive than the Model T, to increase sales among middle-class consumers. This led one proponent of automobility to fantasize that Brazilian workers would soon own their cars. The mayor believed that such common and inexpensive vehicles lowered the prestige of the city. Ford and Auto Club leaders, rather than dispute the class nature of Model T and Chevrolet ownership, defeated the measure by arguing that it was antidemocratic.

In , for example, Ford executives claimed they were not able to build enough cars to meet growing demand. The company opened an assembly line in Recife just to meet expanding demand in the northeast. Any demand Ford failed to meet was happily taken up by Studebaker and GM.

According to a study, Brazil had the highest rate of increase of any country in the world of American auto imports, but it still had only one vehicle for every inhabitants nationwide; the number in the United States was reported to be one for every 6 inhabitants. During the s, as radio expanded dramatically in Brazil, foreign car, oil, and tire companies used this new form of advertising by sponsoring soap operas and other broadcasts.

Success in races and raids demonstrated the durability, handling, and speed of the newest models. They also put cars in front of potential buyers in both the city and the countryside. The trip took a full week, but by , a Buick could make it in only 66 hours.

A raid sponsored by Studebaker made the trip in 48 hours, and just a month later, with more bridges opened on the route, a Marmon Motor car set a new record of 18 hours, 32 minutes. One test kept a Ford Model A engine running nonstop for hours. A few months later, Chevrolet reported that one of its cars operated for a remarkable 1, hours without a break.

Throughout the s, the foreign auto manufacturers continued to sponsor races to advertise their vehicles. General Motors used similar caravans but included circus acts to make the events even more popular in the small interior towns.

The GM circus caravans were enthusiastically welcomed by local inhabitants. Rather than have rural elites travel to the capital city to see the latest foreign imports, the foreign manufacturers brought elite consumption directly to the countryside and even delivered their new purchases to buyers. On the streets of major Brazilian cities, GM paraded its models covered in white fabric with holes only for the windshields in order to create mystery and excitement about the new line.

Sometimes a single, white cloth-covered car would drive in cities or from city to city to pique public curiosity. General Motors succeeded in making the unveiling of its new models a major event. Studebaker used a similar promotion in Porto Alegre and unveiled its new models on 15 November , the anniversary of the founding of the Brazilian Republic. Ford used special parades of new vehicles to help inaugurate new roads throughout Brazil.

Despite the growing nationalist sentiment during the s, American cars and trucks remained the vehicles of choice. Brazilians showed some pride in efforts to manufacture trucks and buses locally but still had a strong preference for American products. The most obvious ways American auto companies reshaped the physical, economic, and social geography of Brazil was through their public and private support of road building.

The American corporations secretly funded much of the work of the Good Roads Movement and helped plan future highways. By encouraging automobile transportation into the interior of Brazil, these companies began to alter the mental geography of the nation. The American car companies pushed road building for two basic reasons.

They knew that an expanding road network would spur demand for more cars, trucks, and buses. If automobility remained primarily urban, it would never be widespread in Brazil. They had been designed for travel throughout the United States, which had thousands of miles of rural roads, many of them as bad as those in Brazil. When these proved to be too unwieldy, Ford established a vast national network of dealerships. Ford had used medical doctors, pharmacists, mechanics, and even priests to sell cars in small towns.

One priest was so good that a Ford executive, Kristian Orberg, remembered his exploits three decades later: The fact is he sold a surprising number of cars in his zone. They often worked with local bankers and businessmen to determine who had the means to make such purchases. Ford representatives sold the idea of the speed and durability of auto transport over the continued use of oxen and other forms of animal transport. Sales agents in these locations maintained close ties to their customers after their purchases to provide gasoline, oil, service, and repairs on the vehicles.

These local dealers could rely on their monopoly on automotive knowledge to maintain close ties to their customers. As hardy as the Model T and Chevy were, compared with European sedans, they still required extensive service, ranging from brake pad replacements to total engine rebuilds.

In rural Brazil in the s and s, the dealers often owned the only fully equipped garages staffed with trained mechanics. Urban dealers frequently offered very good prices for trade-in vehicles to spur new model sales. The resulting used car inventories had several positive effects on Brazilian automobility. Dealers sometimes pooled these vehicles for large used car fairs in the cities.

Middle-class consumers who could not quite afford new cars had a much easier time purchasing these. Urban dealers also extended their reach into the countryside by marketing used cars in the interior. Often roadmen would drive caravans of used vehicles through small towns and sell their inventory along the way. Used car owners then had to make ties with local dealers for maintenance and other services, effectively broadening the reach of foreign car companies and their dealers.

Ford and the other American auto companies began to notice a sharp rise in demand for trucks in Brazil. With the construction of roads over the course of the late s and s, agricultural producers increasingly replaced rail freight with truck transport. These were so popular that that ratio of trucks to cars was much higher in Brazil than in most other countries.

Between and , it sold more than 7, more tractors for agriculture and construction work. Many tractors purchased in the s were used by factory owners as generators during periods of electrical brownouts and blackouts. As early as , Ford and his friend Harvey Firestone discussed the idea of jointly owning a massive plantation to supply their businesses with rubber.

When the international price of rubber climbed in the s, in part because of the great expansion of automobility and thus tire manufacture, Ford became receptive to Brazilian offers of a large land concession in the americanism and fordism 81 figure 3. Ford also retained all mineral and land rights, giving it access to all the lumber there and any oil that might be discovered. It was too hilly and sandy and had highly seasonal rainfall patterns.

Consistently hurt by outbreaks of South American leaf blight, this experiment in industrialized agriculture never produced enough rubber to justify its high costs. They tended to view the project as more the work of Henry Ford the man than of the company that bore his name and that was run by his son Edsel. Therefore there can be only reason for us to rejoice at the interest which the Valley of the Amazon awakened in him.

Its editorial took a combative tone in arguing on behalf of the project: Highways and railroads would follow, opening the Amazon to even greater economic development. Nothing else will explain the lavish expenditures of money, at least three million dollars in the last sixteen months, in laying the foundation of what is evidently planned to become a city of two or three hundred thousand.

The second plantation became known as Belterra. Indeed, they planned these jungle cities without much information about the land or people. Their greatest mistake was the failure to analyze carefully how the rubber trees they planted would fare in a plantation environment, which eventually led to the demise of the project. The actual number was much closer to 3,, which was still a remarkable concentration of workers in the Amazonian jungle.

Their initial equipment consisted of three tractors and two trucks, which they rarely used, given the scarcity of fuel in the jungle. The sawmill that was to provide lumber for construction was in constant disrepair, so most work was done by hand. The brutal environment was the greatest obstacle for these engineers and businessmen.

Of the full-time Ford employees sent to set up the jungle city, 30 were listed as sick in an early report. By , it had 30 kilometers of roads, 10 kilometers of railroad tracks, houses of various sizes, schools, administrative buildings, and a hospital.

These Brazilians were residents of a new and foreign environment. As the town grew, it added an ice-making facility and cinema, water towers and smokestacks. The company refused to cover any of these costs, so the burden on those who were turned away was particularly steep. However, the company made great progress in transforming labor by bringing Fordism to the jungle. The plantations relied on a highly specialized division of labor.

From the start, Ford worried about potential labor shortages, and so the company offered extensive training and good wages. By the early s, the company had managed to stabilize its workforce with such wages. When Ford opened Belterra, it set aside land for growing foodstuffs and pasture land for cattle.

Workers could also tend their own gardens around their homes. It included a range of housing facilities from barracks for single men to bungalows for families. Managers lived in large, U. A Ford Motor Company booklet on the plantations enthusiastically described the new plantation as a modern marvel: But it is Belterra, buried deep in the jungle of Brazil. Women quickly embraced the system of running water in their homes, and Ford changed the menu in its restaurants to include local dishes after the riots.

Moreover, Ford ran company stores that provided goods to the workers at discounted prices. As a testament to the changing buying power and attitudes toward time in this section of the Amazon, a jeweler sold more watches on the Ford plantations than he had ever sold in Manaus. Educated workers with access to health care, high-quality food, and good housing were seen by Ford as capable of operating as modern citizens, and he hoped they would become the templates for all Brazilian working people in both rural areas and the cities.

Throughout the late s and early s, Brazilians and foreign business executives discussed plans for building large-scale tire factories in the Amazon and using automobility in general to transform the interior of Brazil. Long after the company had sold the plantations, much of the infrastructure remained intact, and local residents continued to praise Ford for his attempt to develop the region.

In , Leon Correa Bouillet, the mayor of the area, remarked: Ford built us a hospital; he paid his workers well and gave them good houses. It would be nice if the company would come back.

No matter how much he juggled the interests of different groups and even classes according to circumstances, Vargas always maintained a focus on unifying Brazil and fostering a greater sense of nationalism. Technology broadly and automobility in particular offered Vargas the means to make Brazil a modern nation. The problem he faced was that most Brazilians associated these technologies with foreign corporations, particularly American auto companies.

Vargas responded by navigating a middle path between embracing the transformative power of technology and beginning to make the automobile more Brazilian. He certainly did not set out to create a national automobile industry, and indeed, its establishment came after his death.

He next exercised even greater centralizing authority by closing state and municipal legislatures and councils, and then by removing all state governors, except the new Minas leader, who had supported the revolution. He also created new federal organizations with explicitly national, developmentalist orientations, such as the Ministry of Education and Public Health and the Ministry of Labor.

Vargas even moved to gain control over the coffee sector, long the purview of the Paulista elite, with the creation of the National Coffee Department DNC in Local elites often were completely unaware of national politics, and the rural poor were completely disconnected from the nation. These young soldiers also struggled to do their jobs without basic tools, such as adequate topographical maps.

The army relied on rail transport and used the few roads available to them, but chasing a guerrilla force through the interior of Brazil convinced these soldiers that the country needed fundamental change.

Inadequate forms of transportation in the interior had to be upgraded, and the disparate state militias had to be brought under national control. Although brief, it had wide-ranging effects on Brazil. Paulista elites relied on a number of Fordist policies to maintain industrial production during the war and so learned that they could indeed emulate the great foreign companies in their own factories.

Both sides also used crude tanks in battle. Cut off from imports, the insurgents had to rely on local industry to manufacture armored railcars and tanks. They were also dependent on local machine shops and mechanics to fashion replacement parts for vehicles.

It is not surprising, therefore, that in the aftermath of the civil war, a steadily increasing number of Brazilian policy makers embraced the idea that they would have to deepen industrial development for strategic, patriotic, and economic reasons by creating a national auto industry Figure 4. Photo courtesy of the General Motors Corporation.

These took on many forms, from supporting the arts to a new emphasis on education. Several programs, such as creating a national road-building plan, promoting tourism, and backing the expansion of auto racing, directly advanced the cause of nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t 95 automobility. He encouraged all Brazilians to physically experience the nation beyond their hometowns and states.

The promotion of automobility also had an established constituency that eagerly worked with the regime to spread the gospel of broad auto ownership.

Overall, Vargas nearly doubled the kilometers of highways and roads in Brazil from , in to , in Still, only about 15, kilometers of these roads were considered usable in all weather conditions. In , for example, the federal government allocated U. Other roads were of poor quality, and most of Brazil lacked even rudimentary transportation links.

In contrast 96 autos and progress to raids, which were exercises in speed and endurance, the government wanted to promote trips into the interior as a way to instill a love of Brazil among the population. These forces coalesced around the idea of promoting national tourism. The nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t 97 Automobile Club did not imagine that it would also play a central role in the development of interstate tourism in the s.

In reality, the revolt was little more than an elite rejection of a new tax regime foisted on Brazil from Portugal, but the Vargas administration reinterpreted it as a celebration of nationalism and a strong central state. Such experiences, government planners hoped, would foster national pride. The strategy was a bit ahead of its time, for only the well-to-do could afford such vacations in the s, when auto ownership was still quite limited.

The national government and several state governments worked to improve roads and develop other sites for potential visitors. These efforts forced local politicians and business leaders to think about the place of their cities and states within Brazil.

Still, the Vargas administration, various state governments, and auto and touring clubs sought to build a broad sense of Brazilianness by encouraging vacation travel, and in doing so they popularized the sort of mobility that in the past had been associated only with migration, often due to drought and other dire circumstances. He argued for both grand prix—style racing and broad car ownership and even for the creation of a Brazilian auto industry.

Traditionally, auto racing in Brazil involved different classes of cars competing within categories of engine size. Fords, Chevies, Dodges, and Studebakers continued to dominate in these races that used crude tracks or cordoned-off city streets. The grand prix also witnessed the momentous debut of Chico Landi, who became perhaps the single most important individual in the development of motor sports in Brazil.

He left school at 11 to become a mechanic and later worked for a local Hudson dealership, where he prepared cars for sale. Often in trouble with the police, Landi became a local legend for the street races he held against local chauffeurs. Although he did not win a grand prix until , he quickly established himself as the most popular driver in Brazil. It was increasingly obvious to Vargas and others that large numbers of Brazilians were attracted to automobile racing.

Although its popularity would never rival that of soccer, auto sport had become an important and unique form of popular entertainment in Brazil. Vargas also approved a special lottery to fund national road building and new tourist facilities, as well as a new national raceway for the capital. This federal funding helped to pay for motor sports and lent additional stature to racing.

Soon, other cities throughout Brazil began work on major new raceways. According to a U. Racing became so popular that advocates of a Brazilian manufactured car believed that auto sports would convince public and private interests to support such an industry. Such centralized control over road building represented a major advance in state making. Politically, the new rules allowed Vargas to insert the national government directly in the affairs of cities and states.

To further spur Paulista mobility, the state forbade individual municipalities from charging taxes or tolls on motorists passing through towns.

According to statistics compiled soon afterward, the presence of Paulista police in their crisp uniforms and white pith helmets led to a marked decrease in the number of pedestrian injuries in Rio during their week in service. Unlike previous roads congresses and other gatherings sponsored by the national and state auto clubs, Transit Week was not secretly underwritten by foreign car companies or held to get the attention of state authorities. This meeting was sponsored by two federal ministries Transportation and Justice and then coordinated by a civic organization the Touring Club.

Beyond the two railroads serving the west from the center-south, however, most travel in the interior continued on colonial-era roads and paths, thus limiting the impact of the ambitious settlement program. For Brazil, the steel age will mark the period of our economic opulence. Few associated with the CSN openly spoke in such terms when the plant went into production in , but many people tied to the project privately saw important linkages between Volta Redonda and national nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t auto production Figure 4.

When the domestic auto industry began production in the mid to late s, it became a key consumer of CSN steel. If the personal mobility of travel into the interior fostered a cultural cannibalism, putting industrialism in a former coffee county would bring the economic modernization and social development implied in modernity. In its design and operation, the city of Volta Redonda itself invoked automobility.

As a state enterprise, the CSN had to embrace the paternalistic figure 4. In practice, living and work arrangements in the city went well beyond government policies and took on an openly Fordist orientation.

Workers lived in new, specially designed, company-subsidized housing. Its medical facilities were state of the art. For strategic reasons, the U. The truck cabs where completely manufactured locally. Throughout its early years, the FNM emulated a Fordist enterprise as best it could, even maintaining its own farm to provide inexpensive foodstuffs for its employees.

Use of such alternative energy sources was forced on Brazil by the severe wartime gasoline rationing. Brazilian factories produced machines for use with foreign-made autos that freed drivers from dependence on oil and helped them maintain their way of life in the face of wartime shortages.

There was no particular evidence that the nation had oil, but the enormous size of the country and the fact that so little was known about whole regions, particularly the Amazon, led many to believe it must be there.

The administration of President Eurico Gaspar Dutra — faced increasingly vocal calls to take some action to protect the nation from the power of American and British oil companies. With a steadily increasing number of cars, trucks, and buses being imported in the aftermath of the war, and with the promise of at least some domestic vehicle manufacture by the FNM, Brazilians worried that oil shortages could derail their national progress.

No one lives with a borrowed heart! Vargas submitted legislation in December that would have allowed national nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t and foreign capital to combine for some projects, but members of Congress from practically every political party gave the government even more control of private capital. With steel produced at Volta Redonda, trucks from the National Motors Factory, and oil supplied by Petrobras, Brazil had created a great deal of economic integration and could fully embrace the transformative power of automobility.

Although the nation lacked an effective network of roads, let alone highways, and the FNM produced few trucks and Petrobras little domestic oil, the nation seemed to have reached the point from which its progress was assured. In addition to having the tools to unify and transform the nation, Brazilians would become truly modern through Brazilian means. At the same time, the Brazilian and U. Almost a quarter of a century after the revolution of , Brazil seemed to be on the path laid out by modernist intellectuals and auto enthusiasts beginning in the s and s.

Vargas, however, knew better. Although he had done a great deal to further the causes of national economic integration and development, and autos and progress figure 4. The expansion of bus travel in the s accelerated internal migration, especially from the northeast to the center-south. His program of national political and economic integration was not just supposed to free Brazil from the vicissitudes of export boom-and-bust cycles; it was to make Brazil a powerful nation.

The untenable compromise between nationalist state enterprises and reliance on foreign corporations weighed heavily on Vargas and combined with a series of political scandals to exhaust him. He famously commented on his deteriorating political position: He committed suicide in the Presidential Catete Palace on 24 August I wished to bring national freedom in the use of our resources by means of Petrobras; this had hardly begun to operate when the wave of agitation swelled.

They do not want the Brazilian people to be free. At best, the Vargas years had only begun the process of making Brazil less vulnerable to the swings of the international economy or less dependent on foreign trade. Juscelino Kubitschek and the National Auto Industry uscelino Kubitschek traveled throughout Brazil during his campaign for the presidency.

He wanted to see and be seen in as many different parts of the nation as possible. As a presidential candidate, he realized that only a program of massive public works projects to push forward industrialization and national unity could make Brazil modern. He summarized his vision with the slogan Fifty Years of Progress in Five.

The new president, born in , had grown up in Minas Gerais in an era of economic development and technological innovation. As a young man, JK worked as a telegraph operator to pay for medical school. He later practiced medicine and then traveled to Europe for advanced study in urology. While abroad, Kubitschek began to see the impact of modern technology and economic development on other societies. These experiences, along with his interest in modern medicine, led JK to believe that public and private interests would have to consciously set about transforming Brazil—physically and economically—for its people to become citizens in a modern, capitalist democracy.

The Vargas era had left Brazil with the economic and political infrastructure for the ongoing industrialization of the nation. Vargas attempted to solve the social question of broad popular incorporation within the polity through state institutions.

His suicide marked the end of such top-down attempts to bring the disenfranchised into the system through controlled inclusion in state-sponsored entities. He expanded on the existing framework for increased automobility Volta Redonda, Petrobras, the recommendations of the Joint U. He used developmentalist projects in lieu of immediate political incorporation, hoping that the social and economic transformations brought about—in this case, the creation of a middle class—would smooth the transition to broad electoral participation.

That is, he attempted to radically, but peacefully, transform Brazilian society. Kubitscheck was a charismatic politician with broad popular appeal. As the mayor of Belo Horizonte and then governor of Minas Gerais, JK used modern planning to expand the generation and distribution of electricity autos and progress and the building of roads.

He even teamed with architect Oscar Niemeyer to create a modern new neighborhood in Belo Horizonte. Kubitschek, perhaps more than any leading Brazilian politician before him, rejected the tenets of laissez-faire capitalism and instead embraced the idea of using the state to plan the development of the nation.

One of his frequent slogans on the campaign trail was More Energy, More Roads! A study done in Rio Grande do Sul found that the single most important thing the government could do to improve the state was build more roads. Moreover, despite the nationalist rhetoric of the Vargas years and the pride so many had in both the National Motors Factory and the newly founded Petrobras, Brazilians in and broadly supported the entrance of foreign companies to help develop the nation. Sizable numbers of Brazilians held these views in the early s because so many of them had experienced some aspect of automobility.

In addition to the constant t h e m u lt i nat i o na l s o l u t i o n barrage of car ads they had seen since the s and the rise of auto sports during the s and s, Brazilians were also increasingly traveling to other parts of the country by bus.

Although they preferred almost every other form of travel, most Cariocas of all social classes had taken a bus trip to another city by Indeed, elites relied on intercity bus travel much more than members of any other social class in the early s. Paulistanos frequently noted their desire to own Chevies and Fords; Cariocas nearly obsessed about the possibility of driving a Cadillac. This fascination with the American luxury brand became known as cadilaquismo, and those lucky enough to own the cars were referred to simply as cadilaquenos.

Economic Development Commission by focusing on bottlenecks in industrial production and transportation and by adding a few key programs that spoke to Brazilian aspirations. Only one concerned a consumer good. The others called for increased rubber production Target 25 , autos and progress the construction of cold storage warehouses 15 , and increases in cement 22 and alkali 23 production. Moreover, production of passenger cars was more complicated, for Brazilian autos would have to compete in terms of styling, features, and reliability with the foreign-made vehicles that had recently been imported.

Commission that had called for improved transportation networks to facilitate trade. Ford and GM resisted manufacturing cars in Brazil because they considered that market to be too small. Mercedes-Benz was soon producing one bus and two truck models in new Brazilian facilities. Photo courtesy of the Arquivo Nacional do Brasil. With declining Jeep sales after the war and ongoing problems with the Kaiser-Frazer line of automobiles, Kaiser looked to reduce costs by locating new production facilities in Latin America.

These developments could take place only if they were broad based, with roads throughout the nation and autos owned by as many Brazilians as possible. When speaking to Brazilian audiences, he invoked familiar themes of national development. Instead, they promised the Brazilian government they would expand truck manufacture there while continuing to assemble cars produced in American factories. Volkswagen agreed to manufacture a full line of automobiles only after reviewing the economic incentives offered by the Kubitschek administration and the disincentives to continued imports established by the GEIA.

Kaiser proposed building a forge, foundry, engine plant, stamping facilities, and an assembly line. In addition to the 40, engines for these vehicles, Willys-Overland do Brasil WOB would manufacture another 40, for commercial sales and replacements. In addition to stoking national pride, WOB also provided a unique mix of autos that met a broad range of Brazilian tastes and needs.

By , Volkswagen was selling more Brazilian-made vehicles than any other manufacturer, including Willys-Overland do Brasil. In , it launched the JK compact sedan as an homage to the outgoing president who had installed the national auto industry.

In , IBOPE polled a group of foreign auto company executives and found a deep and growing demand for a wide variety of auto parts. During the decade of the s, the number and size of auto parts suppliers grew steadily. In , for example, Ford trucks used about 2, Brazilian-made parts, and by the company reported that it used more than 3, such components.

Willys reported similarly impressive growth in the use of Brazilian-made auto parts throughout its vehicle line. The foreign auto companies also spurred the manufacture of new products, such as shatter-resistant glass for windshields. He spoke of how autos were unifying the nation and revealing its great potential.

He concluded his speech: The president never hesitated to praise the efforts of the foreign auto companies in transforming the nation. At the opening of that WOB transmission factory, he said: It was a symbolic gift, because the Brazilian auto industry sought to export its products as well as meet local demand. So, when Chile imported Brazilian Jeeps, the press noted that the auto industry was not only transforming the nation but also differentiating it from the rest of Latin America. Manuel Prado, the president of Peru, made similar comments when he visited the WOB plant and drove in Brazilian-made vehicles during his state visit.

Exporting autos, as opposed to coffee and other agricultural products, signaled that perhaps Brazil was reaching its potential even before the interior had been settled and transformed through automobility. The other foreign companies soon built their own facilities. These companies also introduced modern planning and accounting divisions and imported the latest computers from IBM to handle administrative tasks.

Photo courtesy of the Studebaker National Museum and Library. Willys continued to work with the government throughout the s to market its autos to farmers and other interior folk.

It sought to counter recent plant expansions by General Motors and Volkswagen and to promote the use of its vehicles throughout the nation, especially in the impoverished northeast.

The dominance of Ford and General Motors for so many years had also tied automobility to American notions of consumerism, the middle class, and even democracy. One DKW-Vemag ad showed a boy taking a picture of his parents, brother, and cocker spaniel by their station wagon parked in the driveway of their ranch house.

Volkswagen marketed its Kombi van as the ideal family vehicle for doing the shopping, as well as going camping. These companies, however, had to balance the positive aspects of their status as foreign—particularly in how they represented American notions of consumerism and a middle-class lifestyle—with Brazilian nationalist pride in their burgeoning domestic industry.

First and foremost, WOB did this by selling equity in the company to Brazilians. In a company publication highlighting its Brazilian ownership, WOB included photos of nine shareholders, including a student, machinist, dentist, barber, civil engineer, and military man, among others.

As a Brazilian-owned company, Willys could receive government loans for factory expansion, worker training, and other programs. Over the course of the s, Brazilians became more and more comfortable about buying cars produced by Brazilian workers in the foreignowned auto factories, and they increasingly saw this industry as their own.

At this time, Ford put more Brazilians in visible management positions Figure 5. During the Kubitschek years, these companies broadened their appeal by focusing their advertising on the idea that Brazil had entered a new era of dynamism and optimism brought on by the achievements of the Targets Program.

The success of the auto industry even became a focal point for advertisements for all sorts of consumer goods, from radios to toothpaste. Brazilian elites had long been concerned by the racial makeup of the majority of the population.

But years of strikes and other industrial actions challenged the validity of this facile urban-rural divide for many elites. The strikes were often broad, public events that shut down the city for weeks at a time.

Brazilian autoworkers were no longer relegated to only reassembling cars built abroad and shipped as CKD units. The auto companies sent foremen abroad for training not only on the latest machines but also in worker management. Ford expanded its existing training programs and included a special literacy program and even English lessons.

Ford technicians from the United States set up courses for instruction in specialized areas in the factories.

The company provided this training for both employees already working in the assembly facilities and for new hires. Classes were kept to 15 or fewer students. Willys also provided literacy and other instruction because so many of its workers were new to the industrial sector and had had little formal education before arriving at the plant. At Willys, men made up the vast majority of factory workers; women were trained to do clerical work.

Those who fashioned machine tools or who worked in the quality-control section earned almost double the income of those on the line. Ford dramatically expanded its health care services as it built new industrial facilities over the course of the s. They could eat at subsidized company restaurants and take industrial and literacy classes. Ford went so far as to claim that Brazilian autoworkers had the same skills as their North American counterparts.

Second in value was a position with a nationally owned auto parts company. They are the Brazilian hands and minds that are giving our nation a technical culture.

That status was derived not only from employment by foreign companies in labor seen as skilled but also because these men had received industrial training and a wage high enough to allow many of their wives and partners to stay out of the wage labor market.

As new arrivals from the rural sector, they were also free of any taint, in the eyes of the larger society, from association with either Communist or populist unions and politicians.

Indeed, their very appearance and self presentation reassured many Brazilians. The foreign-owned plants required workers to wear uniforms in the factories; foremen in some sections wore ties.

The plant was clean, the tempo was very good, and the morale was high. I think you should be very proud of your organization. The auto factories produced cars that Brazilians wanted to own and workers they seemed to respect— and at the very least did not fear.

Volkswagen even helped workers buy houses with discounted mortgages and other assistance. The press frequently wrote about autoworkers owning not only their own cars but also modest homes. In the case of Willys, many were also depicted as being modest shareholders as well. Indeed, WOB made much of the diverse backgrounds of its workers and the ways they could all advance.

Masaaki Kyomem was born in Hiroshima, Japan, and came to Brazil as a child. He received his industrial training at Willys, where he worked as a machine operator. With help of Willys, he bought his own car and house, where his wife raised their two children.

Whether the worker was raised in a favela urban slum or on a plantation, he almost always had a car. I saw the people at VEMAG pass, because it was close to where I lived, at Christmastime, loaded down with boxes of toys for their kids.

The end result was the creation of a new workingclass elite that seemed to be more interested in social mobility and consumerism than in labor militancy. Foreign auto executives rightly saw the entire government labor bureaucracy as essentially political, and so they worried about the tendency of populist governments to side with workers in wage disputes.

The vast majority of Brazilians Willys and the other auto producers did much to encourage Brazilians to see them as domestic versions of successful foreign corporations, no doubt diminishing the nationalistic critique of their presence. But such broad public support for the foreign auto companies also demonstrates how the productive side of capitalism i. Perhaps the most important factors in their acceptance were that they provided the tools for Brazilians to achieve long-held national dreams and they shaped those tools to local tastes.

In other words, the foreign auto companies refashioned themselves as Brazilian. In and i. By January , a broad survey of Brazilians throughout the country found that most believed the new capital would play the leading role in the transformation of the interior. Work began in , and Kubitschek inaugurated the new city on 21 April He hoped that by doing so, his government would create a peaceful political transformation of Brazil through the incorporation of the poor and working class who now had a stake in the system.

In many ways, it failed. Kubitschek was unequivocal in his belief that development was the key prerequisite for democracy.

Today, economic development is inseparable from the concept of collective security and it constitutes the necessary condition to protect our liberty. Still, Kubitschek made a careful distinction between wanting to emulate the United States and becoming dependent on it. Inaugurating the new capital on time made almost any project seem feasible and greatly increased the general Brazilian sense of hopefulness about the future.

Despite its celebration of automobility and futuristic appearance, unskilled laborers built the city with little help from bulldozers, backhoes, and dump trucks.

Kubitschek carefully blended history, mythology, and a sense of hope in the opening of the new capital. He said, in part: With the opening of the new capital, Brazilians not only shed their skepticism about the project but also became near euphoric over its possibilities.

The hard work of national integration, however, was being accomplished through the more modest aspects of automobility: Work on what became BR began in May By , it handled about 1. Along the way, they passed by fast-food restaurants, gas stations, motels, and small factories. By the s, it had more than industrial establishmenta, including facilities for General Motors do Brasil, Ericsson, t h e m u lt i nat i o na l s o l u t i o n Embraer, and Petrobras.

The media frequently reported, with prodding from the advertising departments of the auto companies, the ways trucks were changing the Brazilian economy. Truck transport began to alter transportation axes by tying together regions that had been dependent on river systems. Jeeps opened new areas to agricultural production that were then developed through the extensive use of tractors. The agricultural sector in this rapidly growing region became more and more dependent on automobility.

Ironically, the promises of industrialism and modernity came to fruition on farms producing for export. Reports of the human and physical devastation in the northeast were widely reported in the national media. Mundane but important basic industries such as cement and steel experienced dramatic increases, not only in output but also in capacity. No matter, overcoming economic bottlenecks in basic materials production did not inspire Brazilians.

Indeed, Kubitschek closely followed the progress of the new auto sector. In November , the National Development Council reported to the president: Employment in this sector climbed from 15, in to an estimated , for Moreover, the multinational corporations producing these vehicles had differing degrees of Brazilian ownership. Ford, General Motors, Volkswagen, and a few others were predominantly foreign owned, but Mercedes-Benz do Brasil and Simca do Brasil were approximately half German and French ownership and half Brazilian.

And although the export of cars to Paraguay might not do much to stoke nationalist pride, selling auto parts to the United States for use in Ford vehicles separated Brazil from the rest of Latin America, at least in the eyes of its own citizens. Although they saw prices as high, they believed there was a large domestic market for cars and trucks. Moreover, a solid majority of people polled viewed Brazilianmade cars as being of equal quality to those manufactured in the United States and Europe.

It seemed in as if Kubitschek had indeed delivered 50 years of progress in only 5. His administration seemed to take a giant step toward modernity without the anxiety so often associated with it. Normally a messy and contingent process, Brazilian capitalism seemed organized and predictable.

New Brazilian-made cars, modern highways, and an interior national capital were the most obvious signs that Brazil was on the cusp of greatness. The nation now manufactured cars, trucks, and buses Figure 6. Production of cement, steel, glass, and other industrial inputs had surged, as had the generation of electricity. Foreign auto executives viewed him as a political ally figure 6. Quadros did little to dispel these fears when he traveled to Cuba to meet with Fidel Castro in March in the midst of the presidential campaign.

None of those moves decreased popular dissatisfaction with his economic stabilization program, but they did alienate Brazilian conservatives, including many in the UDN. The fact that Jango was in China on a goodwill mission when Quadros resigned only heightened conservative fears of what a Goulart administration might bring.

Jango was left without any obvious developmentalist initiatives to claim as his own. Goulart quickly abandoned economic orthodoxy as he sought to solidify his political base.

No matter which way Jango turned, however, he faced an increasingly polarized polity. Castro and his 26th of July movement had succeeded in seizing power through a rural insurgency. Moreover, the growth of new media, such as television, heightened awareness of this trend among urban Brazilians.

The triumph of automobility in unifying huge sections of Brazil had also fostered a great deal of anxiety among urban Brazilians. By the early s, it seemed as though urban Brazilians—particularly elites and members of the rising middle class—had discovered the downside of cultural cannibalism. As popular anxiety grew, leaders of the so-called moderate wing of the military hierarchy decided to overthrow the Goulart government and institute a dictatorship that would endure for 21 years.

It also led to the careful and behindthe-scenes intervention of the U. The Johnson administration closely monitored the tensions between Goulart and the military hierarchy, and it also offered support for the coup itself. The anti-Goulart military leaders worried that a large-scale mobilization would require a great deal of motor and airplane fuel that might not be available, so the U.

The highly mechanized Brazilian military had itself become dependent on automobility and so was forced to marshal all the petroleum it could in the run-up to the coup. Few of the intellectuals, industrialists, or state policy makers had considered that the sort of changes they sought—from national integration through large-scale road building in the interior to the altering of urban spaces—might bring about social upheaval and environmental degradation.

As the promise of automobility began to bear fruit in the latter part of the twentieth century, Brazilians also confronted its pitfalls. Developmentalism had failed to foster a broadbased democracy in Brazil by the s.

The year military dictatorship would, paradoxically, create many of the preconditions for the eventual development of a truly open polity.

Although he had achieved the material aspects of his program, the social and political goal of creating a stable f r o m t e c h n o c r at s t o d e m o c r at s citizenry was not in evidence in The advent of the military dictatorship, rather than celebrating the good wages and the concomitant consumerism of autoworkers, cracked down on unions and squeezed wages.

Rejecting the Fordist ideal, these technocrats concentrated on the ways the auto industry could be central to economic expansion. The opening of BR made auto travel possible to and from the far south of Brazil and the mouth of Amazon on the north coast.

Although the vast majority of its 2, kilometers were not paved, the highway supported two private bus lines that traversed its length at 80 kilometers per hour in the dry season.

Urban Amazonians shared these conceits. Such national integration would spur further economic growth and allow internal migration and colonization of the Amazon region. It had three basic components. The government would irrigate an additional 40, hectares in the northeast and also create special export corridors in the region.

Beyond the stated need to develop the interior, the military regime was also interested in creating f r o m t e c h n o c r at s t o d e m o c r at s a stable rural population and providing a safety valve for urban discontent. Once built, much of the Transamazonian Highway, although impressive in its scope, was not paved and often was unusable during periods of heavy rain.

When the Transamazonian was inaugurated on 30 August , its military planners looked with great pride at the extensive road system they hoped would unify the region, limit domestic social and political disturbances, and protect Brazil from foreign intrigue along its northern borders. It would be the primary agent in the settlement of migrants on new plots of land along the Transamazonian Highway and other new interior road projects.

Each agrovila would house 48 to 64 families and would be built about every 10 kilometers along the highway. Its master plan called for a total of 1 million families or about 5 million people to be similarly resettled along the Transamazonian. These dense settlements would provide community life for the relocated families, who would have title to plots of land for planting subsistence crops and some marketable staples e.

The colonists disdained the settlements and often moved their houses out of them to their farms. Moreover, the government never fully funded the project, and it soon lost coherence.

The high cost of transporting their crops to markets made production of higher margin commodities such as coffee and cacao increasingly attractive. These embedded costs helped to doom this development scheme and led to the transition to livestock grazing on many of the INCRA farms.

The technocrats who developed the multitiered system of settlements and towns approached the region as a blank slate upon which to craft a new interior society. The design of lots and their allocation did not take into account local environmental conditions, the requirements of different crops, or even the impact of differing levels of access to transportation some lots were on the main roads, others far from them. New roads connecting rural areas to cities brought a modern ethos to previously isolated parts of the nation Figure 6.

By , more than 1. By , more than 17 million traveled it annually. Later, Embraer the airplane manufacturer and a host of other national and multinational corporations built factories there. This rapid rate of economic development brought about a culture figure 6. The creation of massive factories on former coffee plantations by the s reveals the complex integration of urban and rural Brazil at this time. The Dutra became famous for speeding cars and trucks colliding with horses and other animal forms of transportation.

In , there were 1, accidents on Dutra. The number of accidents continued to rise during the decade as factories, gas stations, fast-food restaurants, and other businesses opened along its route. The Willys factory employed close to locals, who received extensive industrial training and literacy education.

Other workers in this poor and largely agricultural region would have similar opportunities, as the Jeep manufacturing facility spurred other industrial enterprises to open nearby. The state was heavily dependent on agriculture; its primary crop was sugarcane, which afforded planters little pricing power. Moreover, it had been a focal point for the landless movement in the years leading up to the coup and so had been one of the most violently suppressed in the aftermath of the military takeover.

Willys and its allies argued that a modern industrial sector would remake Recife and the sugar plantations in the coastal lowlands zona da mata. The factory in metropolitan Recife eventually manufactured Jeeps, the Rural Willys, and a pickup truck version of the Jeep.

With the ongoing expansion of BR, which runs north-south all the way from Natal in Rio Grande do Norte to Porto Alegre in Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil experienced a surge in internal migration, as poor people from the northeast made their way to the economically vibrant center-south. What was new in the s and s was the high number of people who had come from great distances.

Their steadily growing presence increased anxiety among the largely white middle class and urban elites. Again in the late s, the government removed favelados and destroyed their homes.

The mobility of Brazilian society brought seemingly distant social problems from the countryside to the city. Over the course of the s and s, the metropolitan area became even more dependent on automobility. Although residential construction grew vertically throughout the s and s, the city did not become more densely populated or less dependent on automobiles and buses.

Such closed condominiums in neighborhoods such as Morumbi and Vila Andrade were not intended to be part of a new downtown development with shops within walking distance of residences. They included supermarkets some of the largest, with checkout lanes, were known as hypermarkets and malls that depended on private automobile transportation and so actively discouraged life on the streets.

Internally, it is also highly auto dependent. The city also created a complex system of buses that reduced congestion and rationalized movement throughout Curitiba. This program required the manufacture of special articulated vehicles. Experience of Classification Analysis by Blagoveschensky, Yu. Economic and Institutional Aspects by Zubarevich, N. Progetto e crisi del mercato urbano by Piergiorgio Vitillo Perequazione urbanistica "estesa", rendita e finanziarizzazione immobiliare: Starting at the right place by Stanley, John K.

Evaluation and policy perspectives by Duran-Fernandez, Roberto Spatially blind trade and fiscal impact policies and their impact on regional economies by Hewings, Geoffrey J. Implications of the land lease by Anglin, Paul M. Are targets the answer? Enhancer or Constraint for Regional Governments' Efficiency?

New patterns of economic convergence and divergence? What is the Unique Selling Point? Blanco by Ken, Crucita Aurora Successful universities towards the improvement of regional competitiveness: A Taxing Decision by Dan S.

Predicting property price effects of transport innovations by Ahlfeldt, Gabriel M. Do creative service industries spillovers cross regional boundaries? The Location and Diffusion of Scientific Research: Australia by Robert J. Is There Any Link? Ist Frankreich das neue Sorgenkind Europas? General Tax Incentives vs. The Asian model vs. Does innovation policy add anything? The relevance of market screens in the regional aid guidelines by Hans W.

Florax The regional employment impacts of renewable energy expenditures: Rickman Collective Efficiency Strategies: Empirical Evidence from the CEE - Vantaggi comparati, costi di transazione e contenuto dei fattori nel commercio agricolo: Brain competition policy as a new breed of locational policy with positive externalities by Christian Reiner The territorial dimension in EU policies: Technology transfer offices as mediators of university-industry linkages by Reiner, Christian The regional public spending for tourism in Italy: Rose, Olfert Does Mediterranean define an economic region?

Maxwell Spatial integration in European cross-border metropolitan regions: Panennungi Intergovernmental Relations and Decentralization in Indonesia: Is there a correlation?

A model to change or a model of change? Beyond Individual Characteristics vs. Was war und was ist heute mit der Wirtschaft? La Fondazione per il Sud by Silvia Bolchi Las visiones sobre instituciones y desarrollo regional en el Caribe colombiano: Un debate en marcha by William R.

Where is the Italy System Headed? Funda Barbaros Ostdeutschland 20 Jahre nach dem Mauerfall: Bartik Agglomeration and inequality across space: What can we learn from the European experience? DG Agri project G Antes e Depois da Democracia by Martins, J.

Albuquerque Positive externalities of congestion, human capital, and socio-economic factors: A case study of chronic illness in Japan by yamamura, eiji Cooperation networks and innovation: Robinson Building a bridge across CBA traditions: Untapped Potential in America's Heartland? Rephann The Role of Research in Wine: A Regional Study by V. Where Did the Subsidies Flow? Venables Geographic Redistribution of the U. Robert Reed Power sector reform, private investment and regional co-operation by Newbery, D.

Uma abordagem economica aplicada a Regiao do Douro by Rebelo, J. Lessons From a Regional Analysis by W. Rogers New Zealand Regions, Eine neue Kooperations-Kultur im frankophonen Afrika?

An approach through economic and social cohesion by Cuadrado-Roura , Juan R. Convergencia real y cohesi? Effets institutionnels, effets de territoire ou construction des acteurs locaux? Ederveen Fertile soil for structural funds? Erickcek Fertile Soil for Structural Funds? An essay in honour of Prof. Two frontiers for regional science:

rocks stuck out the

With these mass-produced Fords, cars were making a rapid transition from status symbols of the elite to tools for improved transportation and the physical integration of the nation. These facts left U. Every year did bring an increasing number of imported autos into the country, and a used car market soon developed.

In many interior states, the arrival of a car in a small town, even if it was just passing through, became an occasion for a large celebration with speeches by local dignitaries. Other arrivals were treated less ceremoniously. Rural folk who saw this car as it resumed its trip either stared at it or ran yelling into the woods. Their chauffeurs drove the vehicles. In addition to the steadily increasing number of cars, trucks, and buses, Paulistanos and Cariocas had to contend with horse-drawn vehicles and trolleys.

Cars rarely stop after knocking down pedestrians, and no effort seems to be made by police either to identify the drivers or to prevent the recurrence of similar accidents. Business buildings were increasingly designed with parking facilities, and single-family homes were consciously modeled on U. These marketing efforts did not by themselves shape ideas about gender, but they did dovetail with important changes in social ideals about women.

Foreign and local commentators alike noted the packed streets—some even called for the construction of a subway as early as —as well as the extremely dangerous nature of Carioca drivers.

The high speed, stop-and-go style of driving was so pronounced in Rio that U. Chauffeurs are apparently growing more reckless as the number of cars is increasing. The other night, near the Tunel Novo, two cars ran over the same person.

Both drivers ran away from the corpse at top speed. Just as foreigners had long measured Brazil and other societies by their level of technological achievement, leading Brazilians looked at the steadily increasing number of motorcars, trucks, and buses arriving in Brazil as empirical proof that their country was making an important and irrevocable transition from an agrarian society that had only recently ended slavery to a modern, capitalist nation-state.

Boas Estradas reported in that a U. Department of Commerce study had found that there existed one motorcar for every 71 people on earth. The United States led the world in car ownership with one per every six people; China had the lowest level of ownership with one per every 31, people.

Brazil had only one car per every people compared to 1: Whenever possible, Brazilian merchants, factory owners, and even farmers purchased trucks. Indeed, truck transport quickly became the dominant form of portage both within Brazilian cities and among them. These vehicles then returned to the countryside loaded with goods for sale to farmers and other rural folk. It sponsored special expositions to promote the latest vehicles and additional roads conventions to plan a national highway system.

It formally resolved to privately fund road construction. The best way to truly popularize cars was to show them to as broad an audience as possible. The Ford Motor Company exhibit was the largest and most elaborate, with Model Ts, Lincolns, tractors, and other products on display.

Demonstrations of trucks and other vehicles were also quite popular. The largest crowds watched modern highway construction machinery pave meters or a bit more than a half of a mile of the Santo Amaro road in only 90 minutes. A Marmon won in 10 hours, 7 minutes, and 48 seconds.

The show was so popular that it was held over for three additional days. Automobility was discussed and demonstrated in terms of national development. Factory equipment was operated using Fords as their central power supply. The magazine Brazilian American editorialized, with some exaggeration, to be sure: In the future they will be high spots in the history of the economic advancement and prosperity of Brazil.

It was planned by the ACB in close consultation with the U. A special two-kilometer racetrack and temporary facilities were erected. There were daily races of cars, trucks, tractors, motorcycles, and even bicycles, as well as time trials.

Truck and tractor hauling displays were, likewise, crowd favorites. The workings of the Packard plant convinced this scion of a great coffee family of the desirability of a domestic auto industry. Races and raids were increasingly common components of the shows. Moreover, other cities, often with the help of both the ACB and the Ford Motor Company, held their 48 autos and progress figure 2. More than 10, people attended the show, and Porto Alegre continued to host shows that were particularly well known for their advocacy of truck and bus travel for the development of southern Brazil Figure 2.

To govern, then, is to make roads. From the coastal point of view, one Brazil was urban and forward-looking and the other insular and superstitious. People in the interior, on the other hand, saw themselves as authentic Brazilians and considered those on the coast to be outsiders who had usurped the monarchy and other worthy traditions.

Contact with urban Brazil and with capitalism would civilize the backwoods Brazilian. Some even formed the Club dos Bandeirantes do Brasil to lobby for increased highway construction and to work as private citizens to maintain existing roads.

Automobility began to challenge this extreme federalism because an increasing number of Brazilians wanted to travel across state lines in their vehicles. Auto enthusiasts increasingly looked to the national government for help in road construction. The roads congress noted, however, that some sort of centralized coordination along the lines of the road building done by the IFOCS in the northeast would be needed. The process of planning and building roads would, they argued, reveal unknown areas and create new economic opportunities.

Trucks would move goods to and from new markets, and cars would allow a previously unimagined level of social interchange among Brazilians from every region. Bringing pressure to bear on government to build highways and roads was a much more complex task. As governor, he took over the private road and dramatically improved it. As roads connected more small towns to larger markets, the prices for sitios, or small farms, rose twentyfold. In the past, the federal government had built roads as a component of its work to mitigate the impact of chronic droughts in the northeast.

This federal intervention had the effect of strengthening the position of the wealthiest states, because it provided subsidies for partially funded projects rather than seed money to help the poorer states open new roads.

The state Department of Agriculture worked with local municipalities to coordinate construction and plan the statewide system. On the national level, Mineiro Governor Mello Vianna used the ACB to push for a broader Brazilian automobility that would work with other states in standardizing highway construction.

The trip was a major public relations success. In , it had 3, kilometers of roads in use and seven new highways in planning stages. Bahia soon appropriated state funds to build roads to Minas Gerais. At this time, road builders in southern Brazil also began discussing the construction of a highway that would link their markets to Buenos Aires.

He petitioned the Light and Power Company that provided electricity and ran the urban trolleys for land grants. The ACB pushed this idea in the early s as it witnessed Rio falling far behind its neighbors in road construction.

Work began in with a small federal contribution of contos. The remaining costs were covered through direct donations from businesses and wealthy individuals. The club worked with representatives of the U. The road was inaugurated with great fanfare on 13 May Even though it was a source of great pride in Rio, the road was not heavily traveled, and U.

He believed strongly in the role of government in infrastructure development, and so on 5 January , he signed the Federal Highway Law. This measure included plans for the creation of a national roads system that would have design uniformity throughout Brazil.

Most important, however, was the fact that a portion of the duties levied on imported automobiles would be sent to the states to subsidize road construction. The federal government had funded public works in the past but never on such a potentially large scale. The law encouraged every state to petition the national government for road-building funds.

In return for such support, the states had to make their highways part of a national network through a formal planning process and had to adopt uniform construction standards. The ongoing use of raids and new car races was a tangible expression of that hope. By , Ogden Wilson had made the trip in a Dodge in only 11 days. In , a Buick made the journey in just 66 hours. By September , the raid took only 18 hours and 32 minutes; a few weeks later.

In July , a Studebaker made the trip in only 6 hours and 49 minutes. More than cars made the trip in October, showing the nation Paulista pride and technological and consumer sophistication and displaying the increasing interconnectedness of the states of Brazil. The trip to Peru was supposedly discussed with General Rondon, who was by this time a national hero for his work in building the telegraph line deep into the Amazon. The planned journeys to La Paz and Lima were not attempted at this time, given the absence of roads connecting Brazilian cities and their Andean neighbors.

Their authentic Brazil, however, would not necessarily be completely new. The Andrades and other modernists invoked cannibalism as an anthropomorphized process of creating a national or broadly indigenous culture. The modernists ultimately proposed a hybrid culture that eschewed nostalgic visions of a supposedly authentic Brazil and critiqued a seemingly unthinking adherence to foreign, particularly French, cultural forms.

Proof of this was the widespread road building throughout the country at this time. The total distance of roads in the wealthier states of the centersouth far exceeded that for the rest of the country, but other areas were busy expanding their automobility as well.

Given the limits of federal support, the unity brought through automobility in the s and into the s could not come from state governments or local entrepreneurs.

Transforming consumer culture and recreation, American cars, trucks, and buses became synonymous with Brazilian modernity. Brazilians adopted aspects of Fordism—particularly the relationship between advanced forms of industrial production and broad-based consumerism—and Americanism without mimicking the United States. Embracing these ideas was part and parcel of the modernist project of nation building. Brazilians took the components of Fordism and American culture that they believed best served their needs and then made them Brazilian.

These Brazilians did much more than simply imagine a highly developed, industrial nation; they gave Henry Ford a massive land concession in the Amazon to begin the process of transformation. Like the ubiquitous Model T, the Chevy was inexpensive and hardy, which led to its widespread use in both cities and the countryside, and General Motors came to rival Ford as an agent of change.

Both brought the ideas and practice of mass production and therefore mass consumption to Brazil. They operated large-scale factories Figure 3. They transformed the nascent advertising industry and made consumer credit widely available. And they also stood as potent symbols of the power of modern corporations to transform society. Fordism offered the possibility of transforming Brazil not only economically and spatially but also culturally. Henry Ford well understood that there was little point in producing a steadily increasing number of automobiles if the market for those cars was not also expanding.

Ford hoped the high wages would decrease labor turnover on the monotonous assembly lines and also allow workers to become consumers of the products they made. As a result, the broad ideas of Fordism moved from an employment strategy in the auto industry to a way that advanced capitalist countries organized themselves.

Sloan nor the ideas referred to as Sloanism are as well known as Ford and his legacy, but they profoundly affected twentiethcentury capitalism and Brazil in particular. Leader of General Motors from to , Sloan fundamentally altered the relationship among manufacturing, marketing, and consumerism.

Sloanism involves the production of consumer goods that emphasize style over functionality. He decided to put consumers on an ever-escalating trajectory from the basic Chevrolet through Pontiacs, Oldsmobiles, and Buicks to the ultimate luxury of a Cadillac. Fordism and Sloanism, therefore, brought U. By the s, the steadily increasing number of cars, trucks, and buses became visible contributions to the sense of change taking place in the country.

They saw such factories as mechanisms for transforming Brazil into a modern industrialized nation. They would become training grounds for skilled and disciplined workers and would also affect Brazilian manufacturing by introducing the latest production techniques and by promoting high-quality output. The Ford and GM plants, although impressive, were not complete manufacturing facilities. They were quite literally assembly lines where Brazilian workers rebuilt vehicles produced in the United States and Europe that had arrived in pieces as CKDs.

The assembly lines were considered by Brazilians to be equal to the most advanced industrial establishments in the world.

Beginning in the s and continuing until the full installation of automobile manufacturing in the mid to late s, a steadily increasing number of Brazilian businesses opened to provide parts and services for cars, trucks, and buses.

This industry thrived because of its low technological requirements the work was primarily carpentry and simple metalworking and the high ocean freight expense of sending bus and truck bodies from the United States to Brazil. The existence of this manufacturing and sales network facilitated the entry of International Truck and Chrysler into the Brazilian bus and truck market.

He was less taken with the quality of locally made pistons and electrical equipment. Nevertheless, Tewksbury noted the breadth of auto parts manufacturing, as well as the potential for future growth.

Other parts were made in large-scale factories. Preses Company built a truck with nearly all Brazilian content the carburetor and some electrical equipment were imported capable of hauling seven tons with its four-cylinder, horsepower engine.

The image of skilled metalworkers producing auto parts, engines, and even the occasional vehicle was a lot more appealing to Brazilian elites and the growing middle class than the years of worker activism and repression that had followed the general strike.

The high wages men received in exchange for the monotonous labor on the assembly line was intended to allow them to support their wives and children.

Such family arrangements depended on the simple sexual division of labor between men as wage earners and women as nurturers who maintained the home and entered the market only as consumers.

Wages that were high relative to those in other industrial settings were a linchpin in the Fordist system not only because they tied workers to the assembly line but also because they allowed families to purchase an ever-widening array of consumer goods. The ultimate Fordist purchase was, of course, the family car.

The two American auto companies paid among the highest industrial wages in the country and provided a broad variety of worker training programs. General Motors concentrated on worker education before expanding its production facilities.

Quite often the modernity that these companies brought to Latin American economies so disrupted traditional forms of production and ownership that they ended up fueling anti-Americanism. Their factories would transform unruly migrants from the countryside and foreign immigrants into a skilled and disciplined working class that would participate in society through advanced consumerism, as well as through work, and in this way would transform Brazil.

Through his voluminous writings, which sometimes singled out Brazil as a country ready for the changes automobility promised, Ford made the case for a car-based modernity. The workers have not yet made much change in their housing conditions but they are buying more clothing, they are buying a few furnishings, and they are saving money.

Soon they will begin to develop more needs, and the process of material civilization will start. The automobile will make a great nation out of Brazil. The natives, though totally unused to machinery of any kind or to discipline of any kind, fell very quickly into the work of assembly and repair.

Even the failed attempt to industrialize the production of rubber in the Amazon was read as more of a daring experiment than an abject failure.

No Brazilian surpassed the writer Monteiro Lobato in support of all things Ford. Lobato noted that Brazil would move forward as a nation only once it fully embraced Ford and Fordism: Slang e o Brasil. The country did not lack hardworking citizens or reasonable goals; it simply did not have the right plan to achieve progress and modernity.

There is no job that is more noble than another. And because he pays such great wages for eight hours of work. Analyses of the United States in the Brazilian press increasingly made this connection, especially with regard to automobiles.

Interestingly, such ideas were hardly isolated to Brazil. It sold both luxury and less expensive cars in Brazil and openly advertised figure 3. The Brazilian Cadillac buyer would share a cosmopolitan consumerism with wealthy Americans, while local Chevy owners would emulate the middle class in the United States. He claims to have traveled 1, kilometers in only 43 hours in a Ford over rough trails and terrain.

Because of their extraordinary versatility, Ford argued that its tractors were capable of obliterating the urban-rural or coastal-interior divide for industrialists and farmers. Often its advertisements included rural folk, sometimes even Indians, to make the cars seem at home throughout the country Figure 3. Studebaker became even more popular in the Paulista countryside in late , when a group of people decided to play the local lottery with the license plate number from an Erskine automobile depicted on a poster.

Esso associated itself with wealthy and powerful Brazilians who gave testimonials about its products. Texaco went even further by sponsoring a series of history-oriented advertisements that highlighted the role of Cabral in discovering Brazil in , the bandeirantes in exploring the interior in the seventeenth century, and the modern automobile driver for unifying the nation through road building and driving in the twentieth century.

Fiat went so far 72 autos and progress as to publish ads in Italian-language newspapers in Brazil, claiming it was patriotic for an Italian Brazilian to own one of its cars.

The club openly promoted women driving roadsters and coupes and often included pictures of women behind the wheel on the cover of its monthly magazine. It noted that just as women surely deserved the right to vote, which they would gain in , they should have full rights to drive. Other commentators increasingly associated fashion and cars and frequently pointed to American movie actresses who drove their own autos. Young female drivers were seen as particularly ill prepared to handle americanism and fordism 73 a car.

Expanded consumer credit was another innovation from American capitalism that was popularized by the auto companies in Brazil. Throughout the s, the American producers worked with the U. Department of Commerce and local auto clubs to bring down tariffs on imported vehicles and lower the cost of credit for new cars.

Ford was forced to follow with similar promotions. Ford and GM promoted such thinking, and Ford began importing its Model Y from England, which was even less expensive than the Model T, to increase sales among middle-class consumers. This led one proponent of automobility to fantasize that Brazilian workers would soon own their cars.

The mayor believed that such common and inexpensive vehicles lowered the prestige of the city. Ford and Auto Club leaders, rather than dispute the class nature of Model T and Chevrolet ownership, defeated the measure by arguing that it was antidemocratic.

In , for example, Ford executives claimed they were not able to build enough cars to meet growing demand. The company opened an assembly line in Recife just to meet expanding demand in the northeast. Any demand Ford failed to meet was happily taken up by Studebaker and GM. According to a study, Brazil had the highest rate of increase of any country in the world of American auto imports, but it still had only one vehicle for every inhabitants nationwide; the number in the United States was reported to be one for every 6 inhabitants.

During the s, as radio expanded dramatically in Brazil, foreign car, oil, and tire companies used this new form of advertising by sponsoring soap operas and other broadcasts. Success in races and raids demonstrated the durability, handling, and speed of the newest models.

They also put cars in front of potential buyers in both the city and the countryside. The trip took a full week, but by , a Buick could make it in only 66 hours. A raid sponsored by Studebaker made the trip in 48 hours, and just a month later, with more bridges opened on the route, a Marmon Motor car set a new record of 18 hours, 32 minutes. One test kept a Ford Model A engine running nonstop for hours.

A few months later, Chevrolet reported that one of its cars operated for a remarkable 1, hours without a break. Throughout the s, the foreign auto manufacturers continued to sponsor races to advertise their vehicles. General Motors used similar caravans but included circus acts to make the events even more popular in the small interior towns.

The GM circus caravans were enthusiastically welcomed by local inhabitants. Rather than have rural elites travel to the capital city to see the latest foreign imports, the foreign manufacturers brought elite consumption directly to the countryside and even delivered their new purchases to buyers.

On the streets of major Brazilian cities, GM paraded its models covered in white fabric with holes only for the windshields in order to create mystery and excitement about the new line. Sometimes a single, white cloth-covered car would drive in cities or from city to city to pique public curiosity.

General Motors succeeded in making the unveiling of its new models a major event. Studebaker used a similar promotion in Porto Alegre and unveiled its new models on 15 November , the anniversary of the founding of the Brazilian Republic. Ford used special parades of new vehicles to help inaugurate new roads throughout Brazil. Despite the growing nationalist sentiment during the s, American cars and trucks remained the vehicles of choice. Brazilians showed some pride in efforts to manufacture trucks and buses locally but still had a strong preference for American products.

The most obvious ways American auto companies reshaped the physical, economic, and social geography of Brazil was through their public and private support of road building. The American corporations secretly funded much of the work of the Good Roads Movement and helped plan future highways.

By encouraging automobile transportation into the interior of Brazil, these companies began to alter the mental geography of the nation. The American car companies pushed road building for two basic reasons. They knew that an expanding road network would spur demand for more cars, trucks, and buses. If automobility remained primarily urban, it would never be widespread in Brazil. They had been designed for travel throughout the United States, which had thousands of miles of rural roads, many of them as bad as those in Brazil.

When these proved to be too unwieldy, Ford established a vast national network of dealerships. Ford had used medical doctors, pharmacists, mechanics, and even priests to sell cars in small towns.

One priest was so good that a Ford executive, Kristian Orberg, remembered his exploits three decades later: The fact is he sold a surprising number of cars in his zone. They often worked with local bankers and businessmen to determine who had the means to make such purchases. Ford representatives sold the idea of the speed and durability of auto transport over the continued use of oxen and other forms of animal transport. Sales agents in these locations maintained close ties to their customers after their purchases to provide gasoline, oil, service, and repairs on the vehicles.

These local dealers could rely on their monopoly on automotive knowledge to maintain close ties to their customers. As hardy as the Model T and Chevy were, compared with European sedans, they still required extensive service, ranging from brake pad replacements to total engine rebuilds. In rural Brazil in the s and s, the dealers often owned the only fully equipped garages staffed with trained mechanics.

Urban dealers frequently offered very good prices for trade-in vehicles to spur new model sales. The resulting used car inventories had several positive effects on Brazilian automobility. Dealers sometimes pooled these vehicles for large used car fairs in the cities. Middle-class consumers who could not quite afford new cars had a much easier time purchasing these.

Urban dealers also extended their reach into the countryside by marketing used cars in the interior. Often roadmen would drive caravans of used vehicles through small towns and sell their inventory along the way.

Used car owners then had to make ties with local dealers for maintenance and other services, effectively broadening the reach of foreign car companies and their dealers.

Ford and the other American auto companies began to notice a sharp rise in demand for trucks in Brazil.

With the construction of roads over the course of the late s and s, agricultural producers increasingly replaced rail freight with truck transport. These were so popular that that ratio of trucks to cars was much higher in Brazil than in most other countries.

Between and , it sold more than 7, more tractors for agriculture and construction work. Many tractors purchased in the s were used by factory owners as generators during periods of electrical brownouts and blackouts. As early as , Ford and his friend Harvey Firestone discussed the idea of jointly owning a massive plantation to supply their businesses with rubber. When the international price of rubber climbed in the s, in part because of the great expansion of automobility and thus tire manufacture, Ford became receptive to Brazilian offers of a large land concession in the americanism and fordism 81 figure 3.

Ford also retained all mineral and land rights, giving it access to all the lumber there and any oil that might be discovered. It was too hilly and sandy and had highly seasonal rainfall patterns. Consistently hurt by outbreaks of South American leaf blight, this experiment in industrialized agriculture never produced enough rubber to justify its high costs. They tended to view the project as more the work of Henry Ford the man than of the company that bore his name and that was run by his son Edsel.

Therefore there can be only reason for us to rejoice at the interest which the Valley of the Amazon awakened in him. Its editorial took a combative tone in arguing on behalf of the project: Highways and railroads would follow, opening the Amazon to even greater economic development. Nothing else will explain the lavish expenditures of money, at least three million dollars in the last sixteen months, in laying the foundation of what is evidently planned to become a city of two or three hundred thousand.

The second plantation became known as Belterra. Indeed, they planned these jungle cities without much information about the land or people. Their greatest mistake was the failure to analyze carefully how the rubber trees they planted would fare in a plantation environment, which eventually led to the demise of the project.

The actual number was much closer to 3,, which was still a remarkable concentration of workers in the Amazonian jungle. Their initial equipment consisted of three tractors and two trucks, which they rarely used, given the scarcity of fuel in the jungle. The sawmill that was to provide lumber for construction was in constant disrepair, so most work was done by hand.

The brutal environment was the greatest obstacle for these engineers and businessmen. Of the full-time Ford employees sent to set up the jungle city, 30 were listed as sick in an early report. By , it had 30 kilometers of roads, 10 kilometers of railroad tracks, houses of various sizes, schools, administrative buildings, and a hospital. These Brazilians were residents of a new and foreign environment. As the town grew, it added an ice-making facility and cinema, water towers and smokestacks.

The company refused to cover any of these costs, so the burden on those who were turned away was particularly steep. However, the company made great progress in transforming labor by bringing Fordism to the jungle.

The plantations relied on a highly specialized division of labor. From the start, Ford worried about potential labor shortages, and so the company offered extensive training and good wages. By the early s, the company had managed to stabilize its workforce with such wages. When Ford opened Belterra, it set aside land for growing foodstuffs and pasture land for cattle.

Workers could also tend their own gardens around their homes. It included a range of housing facilities from barracks for single men to bungalows for families. Managers lived in large, U. A Ford Motor Company booklet on the plantations enthusiastically described the new plantation as a modern marvel: But it is Belterra, buried deep in the jungle of Brazil. Women quickly embraced the system of running water in their homes, and Ford changed the menu in its restaurants to include local dishes after the riots.

Moreover, Ford ran company stores that provided goods to the workers at discounted prices. As a testament to the changing buying power and attitudes toward time in this section of the Amazon, a jeweler sold more watches on the Ford plantations than he had ever sold in Manaus.

Educated workers with access to health care, high-quality food, and good housing were seen by Ford as capable of operating as modern citizens, and he hoped they would become the templates for all Brazilian working people in both rural areas and the cities. Throughout the late s and early s, Brazilians and foreign business executives discussed plans for building large-scale tire factories in the Amazon and using automobility in general to transform the interior of Brazil.

Long after the company had sold the plantations, much of the infrastructure remained intact, and local residents continued to praise Ford for his attempt to develop the region.

In , Leon Correa Bouillet, the mayor of the area, remarked: Ford built us a hospital; he paid his workers well and gave them good houses. It would be nice if the company would come back. No matter how much he juggled the interests of different groups and even classes according to circumstances, Vargas always maintained a focus on unifying Brazil and fostering a greater sense of nationalism.

Technology broadly and automobility in particular offered Vargas the means to make Brazil a modern nation. The problem he faced was that most Brazilians associated these technologies with foreign corporations, particularly American auto companies. Vargas responded by navigating a middle path between embracing the transformative power of technology and beginning to make the automobile more Brazilian. He certainly did not set out to create a national automobile industry, and indeed, its establishment came after his death.

He next exercised even greater centralizing authority by closing state and municipal legislatures and councils, and then by removing all state governors, except the new Minas leader, who had supported the revolution. He also created new federal organizations with explicitly national, developmentalist orientations, such as the Ministry of Education and Public Health and the Ministry of Labor.

Vargas even moved to gain control over the coffee sector, long the purview of the Paulista elite, with the creation of the National Coffee Department DNC in Local elites often were completely unaware of national politics, and the rural poor were completely disconnected from the nation. These young soldiers also struggled to do their jobs without basic tools, such as adequate topographical maps. The army relied on rail transport and used the few roads available to them, but chasing a guerrilla force through the interior of Brazil convinced these soldiers that the country needed fundamental change.

Inadequate forms of transportation in the interior had to be upgraded, and the disparate state militias had to be brought under national control. Although brief, it had wide-ranging effects on Brazil.

Paulista elites relied on a number of Fordist policies to maintain industrial production during the war and so learned that they could indeed emulate the great foreign companies in their own factories. Both sides also used crude tanks in battle. Cut off from imports, the insurgents had to rely on local industry to manufacture armored railcars and tanks.

They were also dependent on local machine shops and mechanics to fashion replacement parts for vehicles. It is not surprising, therefore, that in the aftermath of the civil war, a steadily increasing number of Brazilian policy makers embraced the idea that they would have to deepen industrial development for strategic, patriotic, and economic reasons by creating a national auto industry Figure 4. Photo courtesy of the General Motors Corporation. These took on many forms, from supporting the arts to a new emphasis on education.

Several programs, such as creating a national road-building plan, promoting tourism, and backing the expansion of auto racing, directly advanced the cause of nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t 95 automobility. He encouraged all Brazilians to physically experience the nation beyond their hometowns and states.

The promotion of automobility also had an established constituency that eagerly worked with the regime to spread the gospel of broad auto ownership. Overall, Vargas nearly doubled the kilometers of highways and roads in Brazil from , in to , in Still, only about 15, kilometers of these roads were considered usable in all weather conditions. In , for example, the federal government allocated U. Other roads were of poor quality, and most of Brazil lacked even rudimentary transportation links.

In contrast 96 autos and progress to raids, which were exercises in speed and endurance, the government wanted to promote trips into the interior as a way to instill a love of Brazil among the population.

These forces coalesced around the idea of promoting national tourism. The nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t 97 Automobile Club did not imagine that it would also play a central role in the development of interstate tourism in the s. In reality, the revolt was little more than an elite rejection of a new tax regime foisted on Brazil from Portugal, but the Vargas administration reinterpreted it as a celebration of nationalism and a strong central state. Such experiences, government planners hoped, would foster national pride.

The strategy was a bit ahead of its time, for only the well-to-do could afford such vacations in the s, when auto ownership was still quite limited. The national government and several state governments worked to improve roads and develop other sites for potential visitors.

These efforts forced local politicians and business leaders to think about the place of their cities and states within Brazil.

Still, the Vargas administration, various state governments, and auto and touring clubs sought to build a broad sense of Brazilianness by encouraging vacation travel, and in doing so they popularized the sort of mobility that in the past had been associated only with migration, often due to drought and other dire circumstances.

He argued for both grand prix—style racing and broad car ownership and even for the creation of a Brazilian auto industry.

Traditionally, auto racing in Brazil involved different classes of cars competing within categories of engine size. Fords, Chevies, Dodges, and Studebakers continued to dominate in these races that used crude tracks or cordoned-off city streets.

The grand prix also witnessed the momentous debut of Chico Landi, who became perhaps the single most important individual in the development of motor sports in Brazil. He left school at 11 to become a mechanic and later worked for a local Hudson dealership, where he prepared cars for sale. Often in trouble with the police, Landi became a local legend for the street races he held against local chauffeurs.

Although he did not win a grand prix until , he quickly established himself as the most popular driver in Brazil. It was increasingly obvious to Vargas and others that large numbers of Brazilians were attracted to automobile racing. Although its popularity would never rival that of soccer, auto sport had become an important and unique form of popular entertainment in Brazil. Vargas also approved a special lottery to fund national road building and new tourist facilities, as well as a new national raceway for the capital.

This federal funding helped to pay for motor sports and lent additional stature to racing. Soon, other cities throughout Brazil began work on major new raceways. According to a U. Racing became so popular that advocates of a Brazilian manufactured car believed that auto sports would convince public and private interests to support such an industry. Such centralized control over road building represented a major advance in state making.

Politically, the new rules allowed Vargas to insert the national government directly in the affairs of cities and states. To further spur Paulista mobility, the state forbade individual municipalities from charging taxes or tolls on motorists passing through towns. According to statistics compiled soon afterward, the presence of Paulista police in their crisp uniforms and white pith helmets led to a marked decrease in the number of pedestrian injuries in Rio during their week in service.

Unlike previous roads congresses and other gatherings sponsored by the national and state auto clubs, Transit Week was not secretly underwritten by foreign car companies or held to get the attention of state authorities. This meeting was sponsored by two federal ministries Transportation and Justice and then coordinated by a civic organization the Touring Club.

Beyond the two railroads serving the west from the center-south, however, most travel in the interior continued on colonial-era roads and paths, thus limiting the impact of the ambitious settlement program. For Brazil, the steel age will mark the period of our economic opulence. Few associated with the CSN openly spoke in such terms when the plant went into production in , but many people tied to the project privately saw important linkages between Volta Redonda and national nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t auto production Figure 4.

When the domestic auto industry began production in the mid to late s, it became a key consumer of CSN steel. If the personal mobility of travel into the interior fostered a cultural cannibalism, putting industrialism in a former coffee county would bring the economic modernization and social development implied in modernity. In its design and operation, the city of Volta Redonda itself invoked automobility. As a state enterprise, the CSN had to embrace the paternalistic figure 4.

In practice, living and work arrangements in the city went well beyond government policies and took on an openly Fordist orientation. Workers lived in new, specially designed, company-subsidized housing. Its medical facilities were state of the art.

For strategic reasons, the U. The truck cabs where completely manufactured locally. Throughout its early years, the FNM emulated a Fordist enterprise as best it could, even maintaining its own farm to provide inexpensive foodstuffs for its employees. Use of such alternative energy sources was forced on Brazil by the severe wartime gasoline rationing. Brazilian factories produced machines for use with foreign-made autos that freed drivers from dependence on oil and helped them maintain their way of life in the face of wartime shortages.

There was no particular evidence that the nation had oil, but the enormous size of the country and the fact that so little was known about whole regions, particularly the Amazon, led many to believe it must be there. The administration of President Eurico Gaspar Dutra — faced increasingly vocal calls to take some action to protect the nation from the power of American and British oil companies. With a steadily increasing number of cars, trucks, and buses being imported in the aftermath of the war, and with the promise of at least some domestic vehicle manufacture by the FNM, Brazilians worried that oil shortages could derail their national progress.

No one lives with a borrowed heart! Vargas submitted legislation in December that would have allowed national nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t and foreign capital to combine for some projects, but members of Congress from practically every political party gave the government even more control of private capital.

With steel produced at Volta Redonda, trucks from the National Motors Factory, and oil supplied by Petrobras, Brazil had created a great deal of economic integration and could fully embrace the transformative power of automobility. Although the nation lacked an effective network of roads, let alone highways, and the FNM produced few trucks and Petrobras little domestic oil, the nation seemed to have reached the point from which its progress was assured.

In addition to having the tools to unify and transform the nation, Brazilians would become truly modern through Brazilian means. At the same time, the Brazilian and U. Almost a quarter of a century after the revolution of , Brazil seemed to be on the path laid out by modernist intellectuals and auto enthusiasts beginning in the s and s. Vargas, however, knew better. Although he had done a great deal to further the causes of national economic integration and development, and autos and progress figure 4.

The expansion of bus travel in the s accelerated internal migration, especially from the northeast to the center-south. His program of national political and economic integration was not just supposed to free Brazil from the vicissitudes of export boom-and-bust cycles; it was to make Brazil a powerful nation. The untenable compromise between nationalist state enterprises and reliance on foreign corporations weighed heavily on Vargas and combined with a series of political scandals to exhaust him.

He famously commented on his deteriorating political position: He committed suicide in the Presidential Catete Palace on 24 August I wished to bring national freedom in the use of our resources by means of Petrobras; this had hardly begun to operate when the wave of agitation swelled.

They do not want the Brazilian people to be free. At best, the Vargas years had only begun the process of making Brazil less vulnerable to the swings of the international economy or less dependent on foreign trade.

Juscelino Kubitschek and the National Auto Industry uscelino Kubitschek traveled throughout Brazil during his campaign for the presidency. He wanted to see and be seen in as many different parts of the nation as possible. As a presidential candidate, he realized that only a program of massive public works projects to push forward industrialization and national unity could make Brazil modern.

He summarized his vision with the slogan Fifty Years of Progress in Five. The new president, born in , had grown up in Minas Gerais in an era of economic development and technological innovation. As a young man, JK worked as a telegraph operator to pay for medical school.

He later practiced medicine and then traveled to Europe for advanced study in urology. While abroad, Kubitschek began to see the impact of modern technology and economic development on other societies.

These experiences, along with his interest in modern medicine, led JK to believe that public and private interests would have to consciously set about transforming Brazil—physically and economically—for its people to become citizens in a modern, capitalist democracy.

The Vargas era had left Brazil with the economic and political infrastructure for the ongoing industrialization of the nation. Vargas attempted to solve the social question of broad popular incorporation within the polity through state institutions.

His suicide marked the end of such top-down attempts to bring the disenfranchised into the system through controlled inclusion in state-sponsored entities. He expanded on the existing framework for increased automobility Volta Redonda, Petrobras, the recommendations of the Joint U. He used developmentalist projects in lieu of immediate political incorporation, hoping that the social and economic transformations brought about—in this case, the creation of a middle class—would smooth the transition to broad electoral participation.

That is, he attempted to radically, but peacefully, transform Brazilian society. Kubitscheck was a charismatic politician with broad popular appeal. As the mayor of Belo Horizonte and then governor of Minas Gerais, JK used modern planning to expand the generation and distribution of electricity autos and progress and the building of roads.

He even teamed with architect Oscar Niemeyer to create a modern new neighborhood in Belo Horizonte. Kubitschek, perhaps more than any leading Brazilian politician before him, rejected the tenets of laissez-faire capitalism and instead embraced the idea of using the state to plan the development of the nation.

One of his frequent slogans on the campaign trail was More Energy, More Roads! A study done in Rio Grande do Sul found that the single most important thing the government could do to improve the state was build more roads.

Moreover, despite the nationalist rhetoric of the Vargas years and the pride so many had in both the National Motors Factory and the newly founded Petrobras, Brazilians in and broadly supported the entrance of foreign companies to help develop the nation. Sizable numbers of Brazilians held these views in the early s because so many of them had experienced some aspect of automobility.

In addition to the constant t h e m u lt i nat i o na l s o l u t i o n barrage of car ads they had seen since the s and the rise of auto sports during the s and s, Brazilians were also increasingly traveling to other parts of the country by bus. Although they preferred almost every other form of travel, most Cariocas of all social classes had taken a bus trip to another city by Indeed, elites relied on intercity bus travel much more than members of any other social class in the early s.

Paulistanos frequently noted their desire to own Chevies and Fords; Cariocas nearly obsessed about the possibility of driving a Cadillac. This fascination with the American luxury brand became known as cadilaquismo, and those lucky enough to own the cars were referred to simply as cadilaquenos. Economic Development Commission by focusing on bottlenecks in industrial production and transportation and by adding a few key programs that spoke to Brazilian aspirations. Only one concerned a consumer good.

The others called for increased rubber production Target 25 , autos and progress the construction of cold storage warehouses 15 , and increases in cement 22 and alkali 23 production.

Moreover, production of passenger cars was more complicated, for Brazilian autos would have to compete in terms of styling, features, and reliability with the foreign-made vehicles that had recently been imported. Commission that had called for improved transportation networks to facilitate trade.

Ford and GM resisted manufacturing cars in Brazil because they considered that market to be too small. Mercedes-Benz was soon producing one bus and two truck models in new Brazilian facilities. Photo courtesy of the Arquivo Nacional do Brasil. With declining Jeep sales after the war and ongoing problems with the Kaiser-Frazer line of automobiles, Kaiser looked to reduce costs by locating new production facilities in Latin America.

These developments could take place only if they were broad based, with roads throughout the nation and autos owned by as many Brazilians as possible. When speaking to Brazilian audiences, he invoked familiar themes of national development. Instead, they promised the Brazilian government they would expand truck manufacture there while continuing to assemble cars produced in American factories. Volkswagen agreed to manufacture a full line of automobiles only after reviewing the economic incentives offered by the Kubitschek administration and the disincentives to continued imports established by the GEIA.

Kaiser proposed building a forge, foundry, engine plant, stamping facilities, and an assembly line. In addition to the 40, engines for these vehicles, Willys-Overland do Brasil WOB would manufacture another 40, for commercial sales and replacements. In addition to stoking national pride, WOB also provided a unique mix of autos that met a broad range of Brazilian tastes and needs. By , Volkswagen was selling more Brazilian-made vehicles than any other manufacturer, including Willys-Overland do Brasil.

In , it launched the JK compact sedan as an homage to the outgoing president who had installed the national auto industry. In , IBOPE polled a group of foreign auto company executives and found a deep and growing demand for a wide variety of auto parts. During the decade of the s, the number and size of auto parts suppliers grew steadily. In , for example, Ford trucks used about 2, Brazilian-made parts, and by the company reported that it used more than 3, such components.

Willys reported similarly impressive growth in the use of Brazilian-made auto parts throughout its vehicle line. The foreign auto companies also spurred the manufacture of new products, such as shatter-resistant glass for windshields. He spoke of how autos were unifying the nation and revealing its great potential. He concluded his speech: The president never hesitated to praise the efforts of the foreign auto companies in transforming the nation. At the opening of that WOB transmission factory, he said: It was a symbolic gift, because the Brazilian auto industry sought to export its products as well as meet local demand.

So, when Chile imported Brazilian Jeeps, the press noted that the auto industry was not only transforming the nation but also differentiating it from the rest of Latin America.

Manuel Prado, the president of Peru, made similar comments when he visited the WOB plant and drove in Brazilian-made vehicles during his state visit. Exporting autos, as opposed to coffee and other agricultural products, signaled that perhaps Brazil was reaching its potential even before the interior had been settled and transformed through automobility.

The other foreign companies soon built their own facilities. What is the Unique Selling Point? Blanco by Ken, Crucita Aurora Successful universities towards the improvement of regional competitiveness: A Taxing Decision by Dan S. Predicting property price effects of transport innovations by Ahlfeldt, Gabriel M. Do creative service industries spillovers cross regional boundaries? The Location and Diffusion of Scientific Research: Australia by Robert J.

Is There Any Link? Ist Frankreich das neue Sorgenkind Europas? General Tax Incentives vs. The Asian model vs. Does innovation policy add anything? The relevance of market screens in the regional aid guidelines by Hans W. Florax The regional employment impacts of renewable energy expenditures: Rickman Collective Efficiency Strategies: Empirical Evidence from the CEE - Vantaggi comparati, costi di transazione e contenuto dei fattori nel commercio agricolo: Brain competition policy as a new breed of locational policy with positive externalities by Christian Reiner The territorial dimension in EU policies: Technology transfer offices as mediators of university-industry linkages by Reiner, Christian The regional public spending for tourism in Italy: Rose, Olfert Does Mediterranean define an economic region?

Maxwell Spatial integration in European cross-border metropolitan regions: Panennungi Intergovernmental Relations and Decentralization in Indonesia: Is there a correlation? A model to change or a model of change? Beyond Individual Characteristics vs. Was war und was ist heute mit der Wirtschaft? La Fondazione per il Sud by Silvia Bolchi Las visiones sobre instituciones y desarrollo regional en el Caribe colombiano: Un debate en marcha by William R.

Where is the Italy System Headed? Funda Barbaros Ostdeutschland 20 Jahre nach dem Mauerfall: Bartik Agglomeration and inequality across space: What can we learn from the European experience?

DG Agri project G Antes e Depois da Democracia by Martins, J. Albuquerque Positive externalities of congestion, human capital, and socio-economic factors: A case study of chronic illness in Japan by yamamura, eiji Cooperation networks and innovation: Robinson Building a bridge across CBA traditions: Untapped Potential in America's Heartland?

Rephann The Role of Research in Wine: A Regional Study by V. Where Did the Subsidies Flow? Venables Geographic Redistribution of the U.

Robert Reed Power sector reform, private investment and regional co-operation by Newbery, D. Uma abordagem economica aplicada a Regiao do Douro by Rebelo, J. Lessons From a Regional Analysis by W.

Rogers New Zealand Regions, Eine neue Kooperations-Kultur im frankophonen Afrika? An approach through economic and social cohesion by Cuadrado-Roura , Juan R. Convergencia real y cohesi? Effets institutionnels, effets de territoire ou construction des acteurs locaux? Ederveen Fertile soil for structural funds?

Erickcek Fertile Soil for Structural Funds? An essay in honour of Prof. Two frontiers for regional science: Regional policy and interdisciplinary reach by Ann Markusen A multiple gap approach to spatial economics by Jean H. Paelinck Impacts of regional development strategies on growth and equity of Korea: Is FDI the Solution?

An Empirical Study by Kathleen M. Winer research notes and comments: Regional density functions and growth patterns in major plains of China, by Fahui Wang research notes and comments: An alternative approach to developing science parks: From hypothesis to the actual trends by Juan R. The International Experience - an Example for Russia?

you make

In the s in Brazil, cars, trucks, and buses brought economic modernization in close proximity to social and cultural modernism, together allowing Brazilian elites to imagine the transformation of their country. In the twentieth century, Brazilians recast as pioneers the men who had chased runaway slaves. These bandeirantes were no longer the tough, mixed-race backwoodsmen who captured Indians and escaped slaves. They considered themselves modern bandeirantes who would use cars and trucks to explore and settle the interior.

The founders of the Automobile Club had proclaimed in that one of their primary goals was to build roads throughout Brazil. This congress did not produce any great plans for the immediate construction of national highways. The group promoted these ideas through the magazine A Estrada de Rodagem The Highway later Boas Estradas , which, even more than the roads congresses, succeeded in fueling interest in national highway construction.

They were not necessarily competing visions, but Carioca and Paulista ideas about transportation differed in several important ways. Businessmen and politicians interested in automobility and road building joined intellectuals in proposing new ways to create a modern nation state in Brazil. The factory— a miniature version of the main Highland Park plant in Michigan—rose to three full stories in late With these mass-produced Fords, cars were making a rapid transition from status symbols of the elite to tools for improved transportation and the physical integration of the nation.

These facts left U. Every year did bring an increasing number of imported autos into the country, and a used car market soon developed. In many interior states, the arrival of a car in a small town, even if it was just passing through, became an occasion for a large celebration with speeches by local dignitaries. Other arrivals were treated less ceremoniously. Rural folk who saw this car as it resumed its trip either stared at it or ran yelling into the woods.

Their chauffeurs drove the vehicles. In addition to the steadily increasing number of cars, trucks, and buses, Paulistanos and Cariocas had to contend with horse-drawn vehicles and trolleys. Cars rarely stop after knocking down pedestrians, and no effort seems to be made by police either to identify the drivers or to prevent the recurrence of similar accidents. Business buildings were increasingly designed with parking facilities, and single-family homes were consciously modeled on U.

These marketing efforts did not by themselves shape ideas about gender, but they did dovetail with important changes in social ideals about women. Foreign and local commentators alike noted the packed streets—some even called for the construction of a subway as early as —as well as the extremely dangerous nature of Carioca drivers.

The high speed, stop-and-go style of driving was so pronounced in Rio that U. Chauffeurs are apparently growing more reckless as the number of cars is increasing. The other night, near the Tunel Novo, two cars ran over the same person. Both drivers ran away from the corpse at top speed. Just as foreigners had long measured Brazil and other societies by their level of technological achievement, leading Brazilians looked at the steadily increasing number of motorcars, trucks, and buses arriving in Brazil as empirical proof that their country was making an important and irrevocable transition from an agrarian society that had only recently ended slavery to a modern, capitalist nation-state.

Boas Estradas reported in that a U. Department of Commerce study had found that there existed one motorcar for every 71 people on earth. The United States led the world in car ownership with one per every six people; China had the lowest level of ownership with one per every 31, people. Brazil had only one car per every people compared to 1: Whenever possible, Brazilian merchants, factory owners, and even farmers purchased trucks. Indeed, truck transport quickly became the dominant form of portage both within Brazilian cities and among them.

These vehicles then returned to the countryside loaded with goods for sale to farmers and other rural folk. It sponsored special expositions to promote the latest vehicles and additional roads conventions to plan a national highway system. It formally resolved to privately fund road construction. The best way to truly popularize cars was to show them to as broad an audience as possible.

The Ford Motor Company exhibit was the largest and most elaborate, with Model Ts, Lincolns, tractors, and other products on display. Demonstrations of trucks and other vehicles were also quite popular. The largest crowds watched modern highway construction machinery pave meters or a bit more than a half of a mile of the Santo Amaro road in only 90 minutes.

A Marmon won in 10 hours, 7 minutes, and 48 seconds. The show was so popular that it was held over for three additional days. Automobility was discussed and demonstrated in terms of national development.

Factory equipment was operated using Fords as their central power supply. The magazine Brazilian American editorialized, with some exaggeration, to be sure: In the future they will be high spots in the history of the economic advancement and prosperity of Brazil. It was planned by the ACB in close consultation with the U.

A special two-kilometer racetrack and temporary facilities were erected. There were daily races of cars, trucks, tractors, motorcycles, and even bicycles, as well as time trials. Truck and tractor hauling displays were, likewise, crowd favorites. The workings of the Packard plant convinced this scion of a great coffee family of the desirability of a domestic auto industry. Races and raids were increasingly common components of the shows.

Moreover, other cities, often with the help of both the ACB and the Ford Motor Company, held their 48 autos and progress figure 2. More than 10, people attended the show, and Porto Alegre continued to host shows that were particularly well known for their advocacy of truck and bus travel for the development of southern Brazil Figure 2.

To govern, then, is to make roads. From the coastal point of view, one Brazil was urban and forward-looking and the other insular and superstitious. People in the interior, on the other hand, saw themselves as authentic Brazilians and considered those on the coast to be outsiders who had usurped the monarchy and other worthy traditions. Contact with urban Brazil and with capitalism would civilize the backwoods Brazilian. Some even formed the Club dos Bandeirantes do Brasil to lobby for increased highway construction and to work as private citizens to maintain existing roads.

Automobility began to challenge this extreme federalism because an increasing number of Brazilians wanted to travel across state lines in their vehicles. Auto enthusiasts increasingly looked to the national government for help in road construction.

The roads congress noted, however, that some sort of centralized coordination along the lines of the road building done by the IFOCS in the northeast would be needed. The process of planning and building roads would, they argued, reveal unknown areas and create new economic opportunities.

Trucks would move goods to and from new markets, and cars would allow a previously unimagined level of social interchange among Brazilians from every region. Bringing pressure to bear on government to build highways and roads was a much more complex task. As governor, he took over the private road and dramatically improved it.

As roads connected more small towns to larger markets, the prices for sitios, or small farms, rose twentyfold. In the past, the federal government had built roads as a component of its work to mitigate the impact of chronic droughts in the northeast.

This federal intervention had the effect of strengthening the position of the wealthiest states, because it provided subsidies for partially funded projects rather than seed money to help the poorer states open new roads. The state Department of Agriculture worked with local municipalities to coordinate construction and plan the statewide system.

On the national level, Mineiro Governor Mello Vianna used the ACB to push for a broader Brazilian automobility that would work with other states in standardizing highway construction. The trip was a major public relations success. In , it had 3, kilometers of roads in use and seven new highways in planning stages. Bahia soon appropriated state funds to build roads to Minas Gerais. At this time, road builders in southern Brazil also began discussing the construction of a highway that would link their markets to Buenos Aires.

He petitioned the Light and Power Company that provided electricity and ran the urban trolleys for land grants. The ACB pushed this idea in the early s as it witnessed Rio falling far behind its neighbors in road construction. Work began in with a small federal contribution of contos. The remaining costs were covered through direct donations from businesses and wealthy individuals. The club worked with representatives of the U.

The road was inaugurated with great fanfare on 13 May Even though it was a source of great pride in Rio, the road was not heavily traveled, and U.

He believed strongly in the role of government in infrastructure development, and so on 5 January , he signed the Federal Highway Law. This measure included plans for the creation of a national roads system that would have design uniformity throughout Brazil. Most important, however, was the fact that a portion of the duties levied on imported automobiles would be sent to the states to subsidize road construction.

The federal government had funded public works in the past but never on such a potentially large scale. The law encouraged every state to petition the national government for road-building funds. In return for such support, the states had to make their highways part of a national network through a formal planning process and had to adopt uniform construction standards.

The ongoing use of raids and new car races was a tangible expression of that hope. By , Ogden Wilson had made the trip in a Dodge in only 11 days. In , a Buick made the journey in just 66 hours. By September , the raid took only 18 hours and 32 minutes; a few weeks later. In July , a Studebaker made the trip in only 6 hours and 49 minutes. More than cars made the trip in October, showing the nation Paulista pride and technological and consumer sophistication and displaying the increasing interconnectedness of the states of Brazil.

The trip to Peru was supposedly discussed with General Rondon, who was by this time a national hero for his work in building the telegraph line deep into the Amazon. The planned journeys to La Paz and Lima were not attempted at this time, given the absence of roads connecting Brazilian cities and their Andean neighbors.

Their authentic Brazil, however, would not necessarily be completely new. The Andrades and other modernists invoked cannibalism as an anthropomorphized process of creating a national or broadly indigenous culture.

The modernists ultimately proposed a hybrid culture that eschewed nostalgic visions of a supposedly authentic Brazil and critiqued a seemingly unthinking adherence to foreign, particularly French, cultural forms. Proof of this was the widespread road building throughout the country at this time. The total distance of roads in the wealthier states of the centersouth far exceeded that for the rest of the country, but other areas were busy expanding their automobility as well. Given the limits of federal support, the unity brought through automobility in the s and into the s could not come from state governments or local entrepreneurs.

Transforming consumer culture and recreation, American cars, trucks, and buses became synonymous with Brazilian modernity. Brazilians adopted aspects of Fordism—particularly the relationship between advanced forms of industrial production and broad-based consumerism—and Americanism without mimicking the United States. Embracing these ideas was part and parcel of the modernist project of nation building. Brazilians took the components of Fordism and American culture that they believed best served their needs and then made them Brazilian.

These Brazilians did much more than simply imagine a highly developed, industrial nation; they gave Henry Ford a massive land concession in the Amazon to begin the process of transformation.

Like the ubiquitous Model T, the Chevy was inexpensive and hardy, which led to its widespread use in both cities and the countryside, and General Motors came to rival Ford as an agent of change.

Both brought the ideas and practice of mass production and therefore mass consumption to Brazil. They operated large-scale factories Figure 3. They transformed the nascent advertising industry and made consumer credit widely available. And they also stood as potent symbols of the power of modern corporations to transform society. Fordism offered the possibility of transforming Brazil not only economically and spatially but also culturally.

Henry Ford well understood that there was little point in producing a steadily increasing number of automobiles if the market for those cars was not also expanding. Ford hoped the high wages would decrease labor turnover on the monotonous assembly lines and also allow workers to become consumers of the products they made. As a result, the broad ideas of Fordism moved from an employment strategy in the auto industry to a way that advanced capitalist countries organized themselves.

Sloan nor the ideas referred to as Sloanism are as well known as Ford and his legacy, but they profoundly affected twentiethcentury capitalism and Brazil in particular. Leader of General Motors from to , Sloan fundamentally altered the relationship among manufacturing, marketing, and consumerism.

Sloanism involves the production of consumer goods that emphasize style over functionality. He decided to put consumers on an ever-escalating trajectory from the basic Chevrolet through Pontiacs, Oldsmobiles, and Buicks to the ultimate luxury of a Cadillac.

Fordism and Sloanism, therefore, brought U. By the s, the steadily increasing number of cars, trucks, and buses became visible contributions to the sense of change taking place in the country. They saw such factories as mechanisms for transforming Brazil into a modern industrialized nation.

They would become training grounds for skilled and disciplined workers and would also affect Brazilian manufacturing by introducing the latest production techniques and by promoting high-quality output. The Ford and GM plants, although impressive, were not complete manufacturing facilities. They were quite literally assembly lines where Brazilian workers rebuilt vehicles produced in the United States and Europe that had arrived in pieces as CKDs.

The assembly lines were considered by Brazilians to be equal to the most advanced industrial establishments in the world. Beginning in the s and continuing until the full installation of automobile manufacturing in the mid to late s, a steadily increasing number of Brazilian businesses opened to provide parts and services for cars, trucks, and buses. This industry thrived because of its low technological requirements the work was primarily carpentry and simple metalworking and the high ocean freight expense of sending bus and truck bodies from the United States to Brazil.

The existence of this manufacturing and sales network facilitated the entry of International Truck and Chrysler into the Brazilian bus and truck market. He was less taken with the quality of locally made pistons and electrical equipment. Nevertheless, Tewksbury noted the breadth of auto parts manufacturing, as well as the potential for future growth.

Other parts were made in large-scale factories. Preses Company built a truck with nearly all Brazilian content the carburetor and some electrical equipment were imported capable of hauling seven tons with its four-cylinder, horsepower engine.

The image of skilled metalworkers producing auto parts, engines, and even the occasional vehicle was a lot more appealing to Brazilian elites and the growing middle class than the years of worker activism and repression that had followed the general strike.

The high wages men received in exchange for the monotonous labor on the assembly line was intended to allow them to support their wives and children. Such family arrangements depended on the simple sexual division of labor between men as wage earners and women as nurturers who maintained the home and entered the market only as consumers.

Wages that were high relative to those in other industrial settings were a linchpin in the Fordist system not only because they tied workers to the assembly line but also because they allowed families to purchase an ever-widening array of consumer goods. The ultimate Fordist purchase was, of course, the family car. The two American auto companies paid among the highest industrial wages in the country and provided a broad variety of worker training programs.

General Motors concentrated on worker education before expanding its production facilities. Quite often the modernity that these companies brought to Latin American economies so disrupted traditional forms of production and ownership that they ended up fueling anti-Americanism.

Their factories would transform unruly migrants from the countryside and foreign immigrants into a skilled and disciplined working class that would participate in society through advanced consumerism, as well as through work, and in this way would transform Brazil.

Through his voluminous writings, which sometimes singled out Brazil as a country ready for the changes automobility promised, Ford made the case for a car-based modernity. The workers have not yet made much change in their housing conditions but they are buying more clothing, they are buying a few furnishings, and they are saving money. Soon they will begin to develop more needs, and the process of material civilization will start.

The automobile will make a great nation out of Brazil. The natives, though totally unused to machinery of any kind or to discipline of any kind, fell very quickly into the work of assembly and repair. Even the failed attempt to industrialize the production of rubber in the Amazon was read as more of a daring experiment than an abject failure.

No Brazilian surpassed the writer Monteiro Lobato in support of all things Ford. Lobato noted that Brazil would move forward as a nation only once it fully embraced Ford and Fordism: Slang e o Brasil.

The country did not lack hardworking citizens or reasonable goals; it simply did not have the right plan to achieve progress and modernity. There is no job that is more noble than another. And because he pays such great wages for eight hours of work. Analyses of the United States in the Brazilian press increasingly made this connection, especially with regard to automobiles. Interestingly, such ideas were hardly isolated to Brazil. It sold both luxury and less expensive cars in Brazil and openly advertised figure 3.

The Brazilian Cadillac buyer would share a cosmopolitan consumerism with wealthy Americans, while local Chevy owners would emulate the middle class in the United States. He claims to have traveled 1, kilometers in only 43 hours in a Ford over rough trails and terrain. Because of their extraordinary versatility, Ford argued that its tractors were capable of obliterating the urban-rural or coastal-interior divide for industrialists and farmers.

Often its advertisements included rural folk, sometimes even Indians, to make the cars seem at home throughout the country Figure 3. Studebaker became even more popular in the Paulista countryside in late , when a group of people decided to play the local lottery with the license plate number from an Erskine automobile depicted on a poster. Esso associated itself with wealthy and powerful Brazilians who gave testimonials about its products.

Texaco went even further by sponsoring a series of history-oriented advertisements that highlighted the role of Cabral in discovering Brazil in , the bandeirantes in exploring the interior in the seventeenth century, and the modern automobile driver for unifying the nation through road building and driving in the twentieth century.

Fiat went so far 72 autos and progress as to publish ads in Italian-language newspapers in Brazil, claiming it was patriotic for an Italian Brazilian to own one of its cars.

The club openly promoted women driving roadsters and coupes and often included pictures of women behind the wheel on the cover of its monthly magazine. It noted that just as women surely deserved the right to vote, which they would gain in , they should have full rights to drive. Other commentators increasingly associated fashion and cars and frequently pointed to American movie actresses who drove their own autos. Young female drivers were seen as particularly ill prepared to handle americanism and fordism 73 a car.

Expanded consumer credit was another innovation from American capitalism that was popularized by the auto companies in Brazil. Throughout the s, the American producers worked with the U.

Department of Commerce and local auto clubs to bring down tariffs on imported vehicles and lower the cost of credit for new cars. Ford was forced to follow with similar promotions. Ford and GM promoted such thinking, and Ford began importing its Model Y from England, which was even less expensive than the Model T, to increase sales among middle-class consumers. This led one proponent of automobility to fantasize that Brazilian workers would soon own their cars.

The mayor believed that such common and inexpensive vehicles lowered the prestige of the city. Ford and Auto Club leaders, rather than dispute the class nature of Model T and Chevrolet ownership, defeated the measure by arguing that it was antidemocratic. In , for example, Ford executives claimed they were not able to build enough cars to meet growing demand. The company opened an assembly line in Recife just to meet expanding demand in the northeast. Any demand Ford failed to meet was happily taken up by Studebaker and GM.

According to a study, Brazil had the highest rate of increase of any country in the world of American auto imports, but it still had only one vehicle for every inhabitants nationwide; the number in the United States was reported to be one for every 6 inhabitants.

During the s, as radio expanded dramatically in Brazil, foreign car, oil, and tire companies used this new form of advertising by sponsoring soap operas and other broadcasts.

Success in races and raids demonstrated the durability, handling, and speed of the newest models. They also put cars in front of potential buyers in both the city and the countryside. The trip took a full week, but by , a Buick could make it in only 66 hours.

A raid sponsored by Studebaker made the trip in 48 hours, and just a month later, with more bridges opened on the route, a Marmon Motor car set a new record of 18 hours, 32 minutes. One test kept a Ford Model A engine running nonstop for hours. A few months later, Chevrolet reported that one of its cars operated for a remarkable 1, hours without a break. Throughout the s, the foreign auto manufacturers continued to sponsor races to advertise their vehicles.

General Motors used similar caravans but included circus acts to make the events even more popular in the small interior towns. The GM circus caravans were enthusiastically welcomed by local inhabitants. Rather than have rural elites travel to the capital city to see the latest foreign imports, the foreign manufacturers brought elite consumption directly to the countryside and even delivered their new purchases to buyers. On the streets of major Brazilian cities, GM paraded its models covered in white fabric with holes only for the windshields in order to create mystery and excitement about the new line.

Sometimes a single, white cloth-covered car would drive in cities or from city to city to pique public curiosity. General Motors succeeded in making the unveiling of its new models a major event. Studebaker used a similar promotion in Porto Alegre and unveiled its new models on 15 November , the anniversary of the founding of the Brazilian Republic. Ford used special parades of new vehicles to help inaugurate new roads throughout Brazil.

Despite the growing nationalist sentiment during the s, American cars and trucks remained the vehicles of choice. Brazilians showed some pride in efforts to manufacture trucks and buses locally but still had a strong preference for American products. The most obvious ways American auto companies reshaped the physical, economic, and social geography of Brazil was through their public and private support of road building.

The American corporations secretly funded much of the work of the Good Roads Movement and helped plan future highways. By encouraging automobile transportation into the interior of Brazil, these companies began to alter the mental geography of the nation.

The American car companies pushed road building for two basic reasons. They knew that an expanding road network would spur demand for more cars, trucks, and buses. If automobility remained primarily urban, it would never be widespread in Brazil. They had been designed for travel throughout the United States, which had thousands of miles of rural roads, many of them as bad as those in Brazil.

When these proved to be too unwieldy, Ford established a vast national network of dealerships. Ford had used medical doctors, pharmacists, mechanics, and even priests to sell cars in small towns.

One priest was so good that a Ford executive, Kristian Orberg, remembered his exploits three decades later: The fact is he sold a surprising number of cars in his zone. They often worked with local bankers and businessmen to determine who had the means to make such purchases. Ford representatives sold the idea of the speed and durability of auto transport over the continued use of oxen and other forms of animal transport. Sales agents in these locations maintained close ties to their customers after their purchases to provide gasoline, oil, service, and repairs on the vehicles.

These local dealers could rely on their monopoly on automotive knowledge to maintain close ties to their customers. As hardy as the Model T and Chevy were, compared with European sedans, they still required extensive service, ranging from brake pad replacements to total engine rebuilds. In rural Brazil in the s and s, the dealers often owned the only fully equipped garages staffed with trained mechanics. Urban dealers frequently offered very good prices for trade-in vehicles to spur new model sales.

The resulting used car inventories had several positive effects on Brazilian automobility. Dealers sometimes pooled these vehicles for large used car fairs in the cities.

Middle-class consumers who could not quite afford new cars had a much easier time purchasing these. Urban dealers also extended their reach into the countryside by marketing used cars in the interior. Often roadmen would drive caravans of used vehicles through small towns and sell their inventory along the way. Used car owners then had to make ties with local dealers for maintenance and other services, effectively broadening the reach of foreign car companies and their dealers.

Ford and the other American auto companies began to notice a sharp rise in demand for trucks in Brazil. With the construction of roads over the course of the late s and s, agricultural producers increasingly replaced rail freight with truck transport. These were so popular that that ratio of trucks to cars was much higher in Brazil than in most other countries. Between and , it sold more than 7, more tractors for agriculture and construction work.

Many tractors purchased in the s were used by factory owners as generators during periods of electrical brownouts and blackouts. As early as , Ford and his friend Harvey Firestone discussed the idea of jointly owning a massive plantation to supply their businesses with rubber. When the international price of rubber climbed in the s, in part because of the great expansion of automobility and thus tire manufacture, Ford became receptive to Brazilian offers of a large land concession in the americanism and fordism 81 figure 3.

Ford also retained all mineral and land rights, giving it access to all the lumber there and any oil that might be discovered. It was too hilly and sandy and had highly seasonal rainfall patterns. Consistently hurt by outbreaks of South American leaf blight, this experiment in industrialized agriculture never produced enough rubber to justify its high costs.

They tended to view the project as more the work of Henry Ford the man than of the company that bore his name and that was run by his son Edsel. Therefore there can be only reason for us to rejoice at the interest which the Valley of the Amazon awakened in him. Its editorial took a combative tone in arguing on behalf of the project: Highways and railroads would follow, opening the Amazon to even greater economic development.

Nothing else will explain the lavish expenditures of money, at least three million dollars in the last sixteen months, in laying the foundation of what is evidently planned to become a city of two or three hundred thousand. The second plantation became known as Belterra. Indeed, they planned these jungle cities without much information about the land or people.

Their greatest mistake was the failure to analyze carefully how the rubber trees they planted would fare in a plantation environment, which eventually led to the demise of the project. The actual number was much closer to 3,, which was still a remarkable concentration of workers in the Amazonian jungle.

Their initial equipment consisted of three tractors and two trucks, which they rarely used, given the scarcity of fuel in the jungle. The sawmill that was to provide lumber for construction was in constant disrepair, so most work was done by hand. The brutal environment was the greatest obstacle for these engineers and businessmen.

Of the full-time Ford employees sent to set up the jungle city, 30 were listed as sick in an early report. By , it had 30 kilometers of roads, 10 kilometers of railroad tracks, houses of various sizes, schools, administrative buildings, and a hospital.

These Brazilians were residents of a new and foreign environment. As the town grew, it added an ice-making facility and cinema, water towers and smokestacks. The company refused to cover any of these costs, so the burden on those who were turned away was particularly steep. However, the company made great progress in transforming labor by bringing Fordism to the jungle. The plantations relied on a highly specialized division of labor.

From the start, Ford worried about potential labor shortages, and so the company offered extensive training and good wages. By the early s, the company had managed to stabilize its workforce with such wages. When Ford opened Belterra, it set aside land for growing foodstuffs and pasture land for cattle. Workers could also tend their own gardens around their homes. It included a range of housing facilities from barracks for single men to bungalows for families.

Managers lived in large, U. A Ford Motor Company booklet on the plantations enthusiastically described the new plantation as a modern marvel: But it is Belterra, buried deep in the jungle of Brazil. Women quickly embraced the system of running water in their homes, and Ford changed the menu in its restaurants to include local dishes after the riots. Moreover, Ford ran company stores that provided goods to the workers at discounted prices. As a testament to the changing buying power and attitudes toward time in this section of the Amazon, a jeweler sold more watches on the Ford plantations than he had ever sold in Manaus.

Educated workers with access to health care, high-quality food, and good housing were seen by Ford as capable of operating as modern citizens, and he hoped they would become the templates for all Brazilian working people in both rural areas and the cities.

Throughout the late s and early s, Brazilians and foreign business executives discussed plans for building large-scale tire factories in the Amazon and using automobility in general to transform the interior of Brazil. Long after the company had sold the plantations, much of the infrastructure remained intact, and local residents continued to praise Ford for his attempt to develop the region.

In , Leon Correa Bouillet, the mayor of the area, remarked: Ford built us a hospital; he paid his workers well and gave them good houses. It would be nice if the company would come back. No matter how much he juggled the interests of different groups and even classes according to circumstances, Vargas always maintained a focus on unifying Brazil and fostering a greater sense of nationalism.

Technology broadly and automobility in particular offered Vargas the means to make Brazil a modern nation. The problem he faced was that most Brazilians associated these technologies with foreign corporations, particularly American auto companies. Vargas responded by navigating a middle path between embracing the transformative power of technology and beginning to make the automobile more Brazilian.

He certainly did not set out to create a national automobile industry, and indeed, its establishment came after his death. He next exercised even greater centralizing authority by closing state and municipal legislatures and councils, and then by removing all state governors, except the new Minas leader, who had supported the revolution. He also created new federal organizations with explicitly national, developmentalist orientations, such as the Ministry of Education and Public Health and the Ministry of Labor.

Vargas even moved to gain control over the coffee sector, long the purview of the Paulista elite, with the creation of the National Coffee Department DNC in Local elites often were completely unaware of national politics, and the rural poor were completely disconnected from the nation. These young soldiers also struggled to do their jobs without basic tools, such as adequate topographical maps. The army relied on rail transport and used the few roads available to them, but chasing a guerrilla force through the interior of Brazil convinced these soldiers that the country needed fundamental change.

Inadequate forms of transportation in the interior had to be upgraded, and the disparate state militias had to be brought under national control. Although brief, it had wide-ranging effects on Brazil. Paulista elites relied on a number of Fordist policies to maintain industrial production during the war and so learned that they could indeed emulate the great foreign companies in their own factories.

Both sides also used crude tanks in battle. Cut off from imports, the insurgents had to rely on local industry to manufacture armored railcars and tanks. They were also dependent on local machine shops and mechanics to fashion replacement parts for vehicles.

It is not surprising, therefore, that in the aftermath of the civil war, a steadily increasing number of Brazilian policy makers embraced the idea that they would have to deepen industrial development for strategic, patriotic, and economic reasons by creating a national auto industry Figure 4.

Photo courtesy of the General Motors Corporation. These took on many forms, from supporting the arts to a new emphasis on education. Several programs, such as creating a national road-building plan, promoting tourism, and backing the expansion of auto racing, directly advanced the cause of nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t 95 automobility.

He encouraged all Brazilians to physically experience the nation beyond their hometowns and states. The promotion of automobility also had an established constituency that eagerly worked with the regime to spread the gospel of broad auto ownership. Overall, Vargas nearly doubled the kilometers of highways and roads in Brazil from , in to , in Still, only about 15, kilometers of these roads were considered usable in all weather conditions.

In , for example, the federal government allocated U. Other roads were of poor quality, and most of Brazil lacked even rudimentary transportation links. In contrast 96 autos and progress to raids, which were exercises in speed and endurance, the government wanted to promote trips into the interior as a way to instill a love of Brazil among the population.

These forces coalesced around the idea of promoting national tourism. The nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t 97 Automobile Club did not imagine that it would also play a central role in the development of interstate tourism in the s.

In reality, the revolt was little more than an elite rejection of a new tax regime foisted on Brazil from Portugal, but the Vargas administration reinterpreted it as a celebration of nationalism and a strong central state.

Such experiences, government planners hoped, would foster national pride. The strategy was a bit ahead of its time, for only the well-to-do could afford such vacations in the s, when auto ownership was still quite limited. The national government and several state governments worked to improve roads and develop other sites for potential visitors.

These efforts forced local politicians and business leaders to think about the place of their cities and states within Brazil. Still, the Vargas administration, various state governments, and auto and touring clubs sought to build a broad sense of Brazilianness by encouraging vacation travel, and in doing so they popularized the sort of mobility that in the past had been associated only with migration, often due to drought and other dire circumstances.

He argued for both grand prix—style racing and broad car ownership and even for the creation of a Brazilian auto industry. Traditionally, auto racing in Brazil involved different classes of cars competing within categories of engine size.

Fords, Chevies, Dodges, and Studebakers continued to dominate in these races that used crude tracks or cordoned-off city streets. The grand prix also witnessed the momentous debut of Chico Landi, who became perhaps the single most important individual in the development of motor sports in Brazil. He left school at 11 to become a mechanic and later worked for a local Hudson dealership, where he prepared cars for sale.

Often in trouble with the police, Landi became a local legend for the street races he held against local chauffeurs. Although he did not win a grand prix until , he quickly established himself as the most popular driver in Brazil. It was increasingly obvious to Vargas and others that large numbers of Brazilians were attracted to automobile racing. Although its popularity would never rival that of soccer, auto sport had become an important and unique form of popular entertainment in Brazil.

Vargas also approved a special lottery to fund national road building and new tourist facilities, as well as a new national raceway for the capital. This federal funding helped to pay for motor sports and lent additional stature to racing. Soon, other cities throughout Brazil began work on major new raceways.

According to a U. Racing became so popular that advocates of a Brazilian manufactured car believed that auto sports would convince public and private interests to support such an industry. Such centralized control over road building represented a major advance in state making.

Politically, the new rules allowed Vargas to insert the national government directly in the affairs of cities and states. To further spur Paulista mobility, the state forbade individual municipalities from charging taxes or tolls on motorists passing through towns. According to statistics compiled soon afterward, the presence of Paulista police in their crisp uniforms and white pith helmets led to a marked decrease in the number of pedestrian injuries in Rio during their week in service.

Unlike previous roads congresses and other gatherings sponsored by the national and state auto clubs, Transit Week was not secretly underwritten by foreign car companies or held to get the attention of state authorities. This meeting was sponsored by two federal ministries Transportation and Justice and then coordinated by a civic organization the Touring Club.

Beyond the two railroads serving the west from the center-south, however, most travel in the interior continued on colonial-era roads and paths, thus limiting the impact of the ambitious settlement program. For Brazil, the steel age will mark the period of our economic opulence. Few associated with the CSN openly spoke in such terms when the plant went into production in , but many people tied to the project privately saw important linkages between Volta Redonda and national nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t auto production Figure 4.

When the domestic auto industry began production in the mid to late s, it became a key consumer of CSN steel. If the personal mobility of travel into the interior fostered a cultural cannibalism, putting industrialism in a former coffee county would bring the economic modernization and social development implied in modernity. In its design and operation, the city of Volta Redonda itself invoked automobility.

As a state enterprise, the CSN had to embrace the paternalistic figure 4. In practice, living and work arrangements in the city went well beyond government policies and took on an openly Fordist orientation. Workers lived in new, specially designed, company-subsidized housing. Its medical facilities were state of the art. For strategic reasons, the U. The truck cabs where completely manufactured locally.

Throughout its early years, the FNM emulated a Fordist enterprise as best it could, even maintaining its own farm to provide inexpensive foodstuffs for its employees. Use of such alternative energy sources was forced on Brazil by the severe wartime gasoline rationing.

Brazilian factories produced machines for use with foreign-made autos that freed drivers from dependence on oil and helped them maintain their way of life in the face of wartime shortages. There was no particular evidence that the nation had oil, but the enormous size of the country and the fact that so little was known about whole regions, particularly the Amazon, led many to believe it must be there.

The administration of President Eurico Gaspar Dutra — faced increasingly vocal calls to take some action to protect the nation from the power of American and British oil companies. With a steadily increasing number of cars, trucks, and buses being imported in the aftermath of the war, and with the promise of at least some domestic vehicle manufacture by the FNM, Brazilians worried that oil shortages could derail their national progress.

No one lives with a borrowed heart! Vargas submitted legislation in December that would have allowed national nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t and foreign capital to combine for some projects, but members of Congress from practically every political party gave the government even more control of private capital. With steel produced at Volta Redonda, trucks from the National Motors Factory, and oil supplied by Petrobras, Brazil had created a great deal of economic integration and could fully embrace the transformative power of automobility.

Although the nation lacked an effective network of roads, let alone highways, and the FNM produced few trucks and Petrobras little domestic oil, the nation seemed to have reached the point from which its progress was assured.

In addition to having the tools to unify and transform the nation, Brazilians would become truly modern through Brazilian means. At the same time, the Brazilian and U. Almost a quarter of a century after the revolution of , Brazil seemed to be on the path laid out by modernist intellectuals and auto enthusiasts beginning in the s and s.

Vargas, however, knew better. Although he had done a great deal to further the causes of national economic integration and development, and autos and progress figure 4. The expansion of bus travel in the s accelerated internal migration, especially from the northeast to the center-south.

His program of national political and economic integration was not just supposed to free Brazil from the vicissitudes of export boom-and-bust cycles; it was to make Brazil a powerful nation. The untenable compromise between nationalist state enterprises and reliance on foreign corporations weighed heavily on Vargas and combined with a series of political scandals to exhaust him. He famously commented on his deteriorating political position: He committed suicide in the Presidential Catete Palace on 24 August I wished to bring national freedom in the use of our resources by means of Petrobras; this had hardly begun to operate when the wave of agitation swelled.

They do not want the Brazilian people to be free. At best, the Vargas years had only begun the process of making Brazil less vulnerable to the swings of the international economy or less dependent on foreign trade. Juscelino Kubitschek and the National Auto Industry uscelino Kubitschek traveled throughout Brazil during his campaign for the presidency. He wanted to see and be seen in as many different parts of the nation as possible.

As a presidential candidate, he realized that only a program of massive public works projects to push forward industrialization and national unity could make Brazil modern. He summarized his vision with the slogan Fifty Years of Progress in Five.

The new president, born in , had grown up in Minas Gerais in an era of economic development and technological innovation.

As a young man, JK worked as a telegraph operator to pay for medical school. He later practiced medicine and then traveled to Europe for advanced study in urology. While abroad, Kubitschek began to see the impact of modern technology and economic development on other societies. These experiences, along with his interest in modern medicine, led JK to believe that public and private interests would have to consciously set about transforming Brazil—physically and economically—for its people to become citizens in a modern, capitalist democracy.

The Vargas era had left Brazil with the economic and political infrastructure for the ongoing industrialization of the nation. Vargas attempted to solve the social question of broad popular incorporation within the polity through state institutions.

His suicide marked the end of such top-down attempts to bring the disenfranchised into the system through controlled inclusion in state-sponsored entities. He expanded on the existing framework for increased automobility Volta Redonda, Petrobras, the recommendations of the Joint U.

He used developmentalist projects in lieu of immediate political incorporation, hoping that the social and economic transformations brought about—in this case, the creation of a middle class—would smooth the transition to broad electoral participation. That is, he attempted to radically, but peacefully, transform Brazilian society. Kubitscheck was a charismatic politician with broad popular appeal.

As the mayor of Belo Horizonte and then governor of Minas Gerais, JK used modern planning to expand the generation and distribution of electricity autos and progress and the building of roads. He even teamed with architect Oscar Niemeyer to create a modern new neighborhood in Belo Horizonte. Kubitschek, perhaps more than any leading Brazilian politician before him, rejected the tenets of laissez-faire capitalism and instead embraced the idea of using the state to plan the development of the nation.

One of his frequent slogans on the campaign trail was More Energy, More Roads! A study done in Rio Grande do Sul found that the single most important thing the government could do to improve the state was build more roads. Moreover, despite the nationalist rhetoric of the Vargas years and the pride so many had in both the National Motors Factory and the newly founded Petrobras, Brazilians in and broadly supported the entrance of foreign companies to help develop the nation.

Sizable numbers of Brazilians held these views in the early s because so many of them had experienced some aspect of automobility. In addition to the constant t h e m u lt i nat i o na l s o l u t i o n barrage of car ads they had seen since the s and the rise of auto sports during the s and s, Brazilians were also increasingly traveling to other parts of the country by bus.

Although they preferred almost every other form of travel, most Cariocas of all social classes had taken a bus trip to another city by Indeed, elites relied on intercity bus travel much more than members of any other social class in the early s. Paulistanos frequently noted their desire to own Chevies and Fords; Cariocas nearly obsessed about the possibility of driving a Cadillac.

This fascination with the American luxury brand became known as cadilaquismo, and those lucky enough to own the cars were referred to simply as cadilaquenos. Economic Development Commission by focusing on bottlenecks in industrial production and transportation and by adding a few key programs that spoke to Brazilian aspirations.

Only one concerned a consumer good. The others called for increased rubber production Target 25 , autos and progress the construction of cold storage warehouses 15 , and increases in cement 22 and alkali 23 production.

Moreover, production of passenger cars was more complicated, for Brazilian autos would have to compete in terms of styling, features, and reliability with the foreign-made vehicles that had recently been imported. Commission that had called for improved transportation networks to facilitate trade.

Ford and GM resisted manufacturing cars in Brazil because they considered that market to be too small. Mercedes-Benz was soon producing one bus and two truck models in new Brazilian facilities. Photo courtesy of the Arquivo Nacional do Brasil. With declining Jeep sales after the war and ongoing problems with the Kaiser-Frazer line of automobiles, Kaiser looked to reduce costs by locating new production facilities in Latin America. These developments could take place only if they were broad based, with roads throughout the nation and autos owned by as many Brazilians as possible.

When speaking to Brazilian audiences, he invoked familiar themes of national development. Instead, they promised the Brazilian government they would expand truck manufacture there while continuing to assemble cars produced in American factories.

Volkswagen agreed to manufacture a full line of automobiles only after reviewing the economic incentives offered by the Kubitschek administration and the disincentives to continued imports established by the GEIA.

Kaiser proposed building a forge, foundry, engine plant, stamping facilities, and an assembly line. In addition to the 40, engines for these vehicles, Willys-Overland do Brasil WOB would manufacture another 40, for commercial sales and replacements. In addition to stoking national pride, WOB also provided a unique mix of autos that met a broad range of Brazilian tastes and needs.

By , Volkswagen was selling more Brazilian-made vehicles than any other manufacturer, including Willys-Overland do Brasil.

In , it launched the JK compact sedan as an homage to the outgoing president who had installed the national auto industry. In , IBOPE polled a group of foreign auto company executives and found a deep and growing demand for a wide variety of auto parts. During the decade of the s, the number and size of auto parts suppliers grew steadily.

In , for example, Ford trucks used about 2, Brazilian-made parts, and by the company reported that it used more than 3, such components. Willys reported similarly impressive growth in the use of Brazilian-made auto parts throughout its vehicle line. The post-crisis trends by K. Learning from Competitiveness Cluster Policy. A Synthesis by Gabriel M. Battese Eu Cohesion Policy.

A Study-Case by Zen? Rural push, urban pull and…urban push? Mit dem Vollzug des sog. An assessment of the importance of differences in regional potentials by Andreas P. A project by Officina Emilia with nine engineering firms in the province of Modena by Margherita Russo Socio-economic effects of an earthquake: Direct democracy and intergenerational conflicts in aging societies by Gabriel M.

Challenges and opportunities by Lykke E. Lamdin The Texas economic model, miracle or mirage? Why does not develop the russian regions? Canada's Provinces by M. A new conceptualisation of regional development strategies by Nijkamp, Peter Entrepreneurship and Regional Economic Development: Some reflections by Stough, Roger R. Is Green Talk Cheap Talk? Connected landowners capture beneficial land rezoning by Murray, Cameron K.

Connecting markets, people and ideas by Edward L. Explaining the experience of Latvian regions by Viktorija? Can the past define the future? Acheampong Urban Networks: S by Ralph Ossa A place-based strategy to smart specialisation: Defining the measures of the measurable aspects of this concept. A review of existing sources of information on territorial cohesion by Jacek Zaucha Recommendations for applying territorial cohesion concept for conducting European cohesion policy in line with the territorial rules provided by the Treaty by Jacek Szlachta Key Enabling Technologies and Smart Specialization Strategies.

South-American Competitors Or Complementaries? Evidence from the U. States by Xiaofeng Penny Li Selection bias, incentivi alle imprese e sviluppo locale: A spatial analysis of airport effects by Ahlfeldt, Gabriel M. Carmen Provincial Clustering in the Southern of Thailand: Ehmke The interiorization of Brazilian violence, policing, and economic growth by Geoffrey M. Sica Politiche per la montagna in Emilia-Romagna: Planungs- und Entwicklungsinstrumente mit demografischer Chance.

Konferenz der Hochschule Wismar am Is it a Bridge between Innovation and Cohesion? The case of Turkey by Celbis, M. Ethnic composition change in Dutch big city neighbourhoods by Ong, C. Chama-Chiliba and Steven F. Il ruolo delle competenze by Destefanis, Sergio Intra-urban disparities in the quality of life in the city of Porto: Evidence from Peru by Mauricio A. Plisetskij Intermediaries and Regional Innovation Systemic behavior: Is Southern Italy a Dead Issue?

Experience of Classification Analysis by Blagoveschensky, Yu. Economic and Institutional Aspects by Zubarevich, N. Progetto e crisi del mercato urbano by Piergiorgio Vitillo Perequazione urbanistica "estesa", rendita e finanziarizzazione immobiliare: Starting at the right place by Stanley, John K.

Evaluation and policy perspectives by Duran-Fernandez, Roberto Spatially blind trade and fiscal impact policies and their impact on regional economies by Hewings, Geoffrey J. Implications of the land lease by Anglin, Paul M. Are targets the answer? Enhancer or Constraint for Regional Governments' Efficiency? New patterns of economic convergence and divergence?

What is the Unique Selling Point? Blanco by Ken, Crucita Aurora Successful universities towards the improvement of regional competitiveness: A Taxing Decision by Dan S. Predicting property price effects of transport innovations by Ahlfeldt, Gabriel M. Do creative service industries spillovers cross regional boundaries? The Location and Diffusion of Scientific Research: Australia by Robert J. Is There Any Link? Ist Frankreich das neue Sorgenkind Europas? General Tax Incentives vs.

The Asian model vs.

brilliant slot comes with

Foreign and local commentators alike noted the packed streets—some even called for the construction of a subway as early as —as well as the extremely dangerous nature of Carioca drivers. The high speed, stop-and-go style of driving was so pronounced in Rio that U.

Chauffeurs are apparently growing more reckless as the number of cars is increasing. The other night, near the Tunel Novo, two cars ran over the same person.

Both drivers ran away from the corpse at top speed. Just as foreigners had long measured Brazil and other societies by their level of technological achievement, leading Brazilians looked at the steadily increasing number of motorcars, trucks, and buses arriving in Brazil as empirical proof that their country was making an important and irrevocable transition from an agrarian society that had only recently ended slavery to a modern, capitalist nation-state.

Boas Estradas reported in that a U. Department of Commerce study had found that there existed one motorcar for every 71 people on earth. The United States led the world in car ownership with one per every six people; China had the lowest level of ownership with one per every 31, people. Brazil had only one car per every people compared to 1: Whenever possible, Brazilian merchants, factory owners, and even farmers purchased trucks.

Indeed, truck transport quickly became the dominant form of portage both within Brazilian cities and among them. These vehicles then returned to the countryside loaded with goods for sale to farmers and other rural folk. It sponsored special expositions to promote the latest vehicles and additional roads conventions to plan a national highway system.

It formally resolved to privately fund road construction. The best way to truly popularize cars was to show them to as broad an audience as possible. The Ford Motor Company exhibit was the largest and most elaborate, with Model Ts, Lincolns, tractors, and other products on display.

Demonstrations of trucks and other vehicles were also quite popular. The largest crowds watched modern highway construction machinery pave meters or a bit more than a half of a mile of the Santo Amaro road in only 90 minutes.

A Marmon won in 10 hours, 7 minutes, and 48 seconds. The show was so popular that it was held over for three additional days. Automobility was discussed and demonstrated in terms of national development. Factory equipment was operated using Fords as their central power supply. The magazine Brazilian American editorialized, with some exaggeration, to be sure: In the future they will be high spots in the history of the economic advancement and prosperity of Brazil.

It was planned by the ACB in close consultation with the U. A special two-kilometer racetrack and temporary facilities were erected. There were daily races of cars, trucks, tractors, motorcycles, and even bicycles, as well as time trials. Truck and tractor hauling displays were, likewise, crowd favorites. The workings of the Packard plant convinced this scion of a great coffee family of the desirability of a domestic auto industry.

Races and raids were increasingly common components of the shows. Moreover, other cities, often with the help of both the ACB and the Ford Motor Company, held their 48 autos and progress figure 2. More than 10, people attended the show, and Porto Alegre continued to host shows that were particularly well known for their advocacy of truck and bus travel for the development of southern Brazil Figure 2.

To govern, then, is to make roads. From the coastal point of view, one Brazil was urban and forward-looking and the other insular and superstitious. People in the interior, on the other hand, saw themselves as authentic Brazilians and considered those on the coast to be outsiders who had usurped the monarchy and other worthy traditions. Contact with urban Brazil and with capitalism would civilize the backwoods Brazilian.

Some even formed the Club dos Bandeirantes do Brasil to lobby for increased highway construction and to work as private citizens to maintain existing roads. Automobility began to challenge this extreme federalism because an increasing number of Brazilians wanted to travel across state lines in their vehicles. Auto enthusiasts increasingly looked to the national government for help in road construction. The roads congress noted, however, that some sort of centralized coordination along the lines of the road building done by the IFOCS in the northeast would be needed.

The process of planning and building roads would, they argued, reveal unknown areas and create new economic opportunities. Trucks would move goods to and from new markets, and cars would allow a previously unimagined level of social interchange among Brazilians from every region.

Bringing pressure to bear on government to build highways and roads was a much more complex task. As governor, he took over the private road and dramatically improved it. As roads connected more small towns to larger markets, the prices for sitios, or small farms, rose twentyfold. In the past, the federal government had built roads as a component of its work to mitigate the impact of chronic droughts in the northeast. This federal intervention had the effect of strengthening the position of the wealthiest states, because it provided subsidies for partially funded projects rather than seed money to help the poorer states open new roads.

The state Department of Agriculture worked with local municipalities to coordinate construction and plan the statewide system. On the national level, Mineiro Governor Mello Vianna used the ACB to push for a broader Brazilian automobility that would work with other states in standardizing highway construction.

The trip was a major public relations success. In , it had 3, kilometers of roads in use and seven new highways in planning stages. Bahia soon appropriated state funds to build roads to Minas Gerais. At this time, road builders in southern Brazil also began discussing the construction of a highway that would link their markets to Buenos Aires.

He petitioned the Light and Power Company that provided electricity and ran the urban trolleys for land grants. The ACB pushed this idea in the early s as it witnessed Rio falling far behind its neighbors in road construction. Work began in with a small federal contribution of contos. The remaining costs were covered through direct donations from businesses and wealthy individuals.

The club worked with representatives of the U. The road was inaugurated with great fanfare on 13 May Even though it was a source of great pride in Rio, the road was not heavily traveled, and U. He believed strongly in the role of government in infrastructure development, and so on 5 January , he signed the Federal Highway Law. This measure included plans for the creation of a national roads system that would have design uniformity throughout Brazil. Most important, however, was the fact that a portion of the duties levied on imported automobiles would be sent to the states to subsidize road construction.

The federal government had funded public works in the past but never on such a potentially large scale. The law encouraged every state to petition the national government for road-building funds. In return for such support, the states had to make their highways part of a national network through a formal planning process and had to adopt uniform construction standards. The ongoing use of raids and new car races was a tangible expression of that hope.

By , Ogden Wilson had made the trip in a Dodge in only 11 days. In , a Buick made the journey in just 66 hours. By September , the raid took only 18 hours and 32 minutes; a few weeks later.

In July , a Studebaker made the trip in only 6 hours and 49 minutes. More than cars made the trip in October, showing the nation Paulista pride and technological and consumer sophistication and displaying the increasing interconnectedness of the states of Brazil.

The trip to Peru was supposedly discussed with General Rondon, who was by this time a national hero for his work in building the telegraph line deep into the Amazon. The planned journeys to La Paz and Lima were not attempted at this time, given the absence of roads connecting Brazilian cities and their Andean neighbors.

Their authentic Brazil, however, would not necessarily be completely new. The Andrades and other modernists invoked cannibalism as an anthropomorphized process of creating a national or broadly indigenous culture.

The modernists ultimately proposed a hybrid culture that eschewed nostalgic visions of a supposedly authentic Brazil and critiqued a seemingly unthinking adherence to foreign, particularly French, cultural forms.

Proof of this was the widespread road building throughout the country at this time. The total distance of roads in the wealthier states of the centersouth far exceeded that for the rest of the country, but other areas were busy expanding their automobility as well.

Given the limits of federal support, the unity brought through automobility in the s and into the s could not come from state governments or local entrepreneurs. Transforming consumer culture and recreation, American cars, trucks, and buses became synonymous with Brazilian modernity. Brazilians adopted aspects of Fordism—particularly the relationship between advanced forms of industrial production and broad-based consumerism—and Americanism without mimicking the United States.

Embracing these ideas was part and parcel of the modernist project of nation building. Brazilians took the components of Fordism and American culture that they believed best served their needs and then made them Brazilian. These Brazilians did much more than simply imagine a highly developed, industrial nation; they gave Henry Ford a massive land concession in the Amazon to begin the process of transformation.

Like the ubiquitous Model T, the Chevy was inexpensive and hardy, which led to its widespread use in both cities and the countryside, and General Motors came to rival Ford as an agent of change. Both brought the ideas and practice of mass production and therefore mass consumption to Brazil. They operated large-scale factories Figure 3.

They transformed the nascent advertising industry and made consumer credit widely available. And they also stood as potent symbols of the power of modern corporations to transform society. Fordism offered the possibility of transforming Brazil not only economically and spatially but also culturally. Henry Ford well understood that there was little point in producing a steadily increasing number of automobiles if the market for those cars was not also expanding.

Ford hoped the high wages would decrease labor turnover on the monotonous assembly lines and also allow workers to become consumers of the products they made. As a result, the broad ideas of Fordism moved from an employment strategy in the auto industry to a way that advanced capitalist countries organized themselves.

Sloan nor the ideas referred to as Sloanism are as well known as Ford and his legacy, but they profoundly affected twentiethcentury capitalism and Brazil in particular. Leader of General Motors from to , Sloan fundamentally altered the relationship among manufacturing, marketing, and consumerism. Sloanism involves the production of consumer goods that emphasize style over functionality. He decided to put consumers on an ever-escalating trajectory from the basic Chevrolet through Pontiacs, Oldsmobiles, and Buicks to the ultimate luxury of a Cadillac.

Fordism and Sloanism, therefore, brought U. By the s, the steadily increasing number of cars, trucks, and buses became visible contributions to the sense of change taking place in the country.

They saw such factories as mechanisms for transforming Brazil into a modern industrialized nation. They would become training grounds for skilled and disciplined workers and would also affect Brazilian manufacturing by introducing the latest production techniques and by promoting high-quality output. The Ford and GM plants, although impressive, were not complete manufacturing facilities.

They were quite literally assembly lines where Brazilian workers rebuilt vehicles produced in the United States and Europe that had arrived in pieces as CKDs. The assembly lines were considered by Brazilians to be equal to the most advanced industrial establishments in the world. Beginning in the s and continuing until the full installation of automobile manufacturing in the mid to late s, a steadily increasing number of Brazilian businesses opened to provide parts and services for cars, trucks, and buses.

This industry thrived because of its low technological requirements the work was primarily carpentry and simple metalworking and the high ocean freight expense of sending bus and truck bodies from the United States to Brazil. The existence of this manufacturing and sales network facilitated the entry of International Truck and Chrysler into the Brazilian bus and truck market.

He was less taken with the quality of locally made pistons and electrical equipment. Nevertheless, Tewksbury noted the breadth of auto parts manufacturing, as well as the potential for future growth.

Other parts were made in large-scale factories. Preses Company built a truck with nearly all Brazilian content the carburetor and some electrical equipment were imported capable of hauling seven tons with its four-cylinder, horsepower engine. The image of skilled metalworkers producing auto parts, engines, and even the occasional vehicle was a lot more appealing to Brazilian elites and the growing middle class than the years of worker activism and repression that had followed the general strike.

The high wages men received in exchange for the monotonous labor on the assembly line was intended to allow them to support their wives and children. Such family arrangements depended on the simple sexual division of labor between men as wage earners and women as nurturers who maintained the home and entered the market only as consumers.

Wages that were high relative to those in other industrial settings were a linchpin in the Fordist system not only because they tied workers to the assembly line but also because they allowed families to purchase an ever-widening array of consumer goods. The ultimate Fordist purchase was, of course, the family car. The two American auto companies paid among the highest industrial wages in the country and provided a broad variety of worker training programs. General Motors concentrated on worker education before expanding its production facilities.

Quite often the modernity that these companies brought to Latin American economies so disrupted traditional forms of production and ownership that they ended up fueling anti-Americanism. Their factories would transform unruly migrants from the countryside and foreign immigrants into a skilled and disciplined working class that would participate in society through advanced consumerism, as well as through work, and in this way would transform Brazil.

Through his voluminous writings, which sometimes singled out Brazil as a country ready for the changes automobility promised, Ford made the case for a car-based modernity.

The workers have not yet made much change in their housing conditions but they are buying more clothing, they are buying a few furnishings, and they are saving money. Soon they will begin to develop more needs, and the process of material civilization will start. The automobile will make a great nation out of Brazil.

The natives, though totally unused to machinery of any kind or to discipline of any kind, fell very quickly into the work of assembly and repair. Even the failed attempt to industrialize the production of rubber in the Amazon was read as more of a daring experiment than an abject failure. No Brazilian surpassed the writer Monteiro Lobato in support of all things Ford. Lobato noted that Brazil would move forward as a nation only once it fully embraced Ford and Fordism: Slang e o Brasil.

The country did not lack hardworking citizens or reasonable goals; it simply did not have the right plan to achieve progress and modernity. There is no job that is more noble than another. And because he pays such great wages for eight hours of work. Analyses of the United States in the Brazilian press increasingly made this connection, especially with regard to automobiles.

Interestingly, such ideas were hardly isolated to Brazil. It sold both luxury and less expensive cars in Brazil and openly advertised figure 3. The Brazilian Cadillac buyer would share a cosmopolitan consumerism with wealthy Americans, while local Chevy owners would emulate the middle class in the United States. He claims to have traveled 1, kilometers in only 43 hours in a Ford over rough trails and terrain.

Because of their extraordinary versatility, Ford argued that its tractors were capable of obliterating the urban-rural or coastal-interior divide for industrialists and farmers. Often its advertisements included rural folk, sometimes even Indians, to make the cars seem at home throughout the country Figure 3. Studebaker became even more popular in the Paulista countryside in late , when a group of people decided to play the local lottery with the license plate number from an Erskine automobile depicted on a poster.

Esso associated itself with wealthy and powerful Brazilians who gave testimonials about its products. Texaco went even further by sponsoring a series of history-oriented advertisements that highlighted the role of Cabral in discovering Brazil in , the bandeirantes in exploring the interior in the seventeenth century, and the modern automobile driver for unifying the nation through road building and driving in the twentieth century.

Fiat went so far 72 autos and progress as to publish ads in Italian-language newspapers in Brazil, claiming it was patriotic for an Italian Brazilian to own one of its cars. The club openly promoted women driving roadsters and coupes and often included pictures of women behind the wheel on the cover of its monthly magazine. It noted that just as women surely deserved the right to vote, which they would gain in , they should have full rights to drive.

Other commentators increasingly associated fashion and cars and frequently pointed to American movie actresses who drove their own autos.

Young female drivers were seen as particularly ill prepared to handle americanism and fordism 73 a car. Expanded consumer credit was another innovation from American capitalism that was popularized by the auto companies in Brazil. Throughout the s, the American producers worked with the U. Department of Commerce and local auto clubs to bring down tariffs on imported vehicles and lower the cost of credit for new cars.

Ford was forced to follow with similar promotions. Ford and GM promoted such thinking, and Ford began importing its Model Y from England, which was even less expensive than the Model T, to increase sales among middle-class consumers.

This led one proponent of automobility to fantasize that Brazilian workers would soon own their cars. The mayor believed that such common and inexpensive vehicles lowered the prestige of the city. Ford and Auto Club leaders, rather than dispute the class nature of Model T and Chevrolet ownership, defeated the measure by arguing that it was antidemocratic.

In , for example, Ford executives claimed they were not able to build enough cars to meet growing demand. The company opened an assembly line in Recife just to meet expanding demand in the northeast. Any demand Ford failed to meet was happily taken up by Studebaker and GM. According to a study, Brazil had the highest rate of increase of any country in the world of American auto imports, but it still had only one vehicle for every inhabitants nationwide; the number in the United States was reported to be one for every 6 inhabitants.

During the s, as radio expanded dramatically in Brazil, foreign car, oil, and tire companies used this new form of advertising by sponsoring soap operas and other broadcasts. Success in races and raids demonstrated the durability, handling, and speed of the newest models. They also put cars in front of potential buyers in both the city and the countryside. The trip took a full week, but by , a Buick could make it in only 66 hours.

A raid sponsored by Studebaker made the trip in 48 hours, and just a month later, with more bridges opened on the route, a Marmon Motor car set a new record of 18 hours, 32 minutes. One test kept a Ford Model A engine running nonstop for hours.

A few months later, Chevrolet reported that one of its cars operated for a remarkable 1, hours without a break. Throughout the s, the foreign auto manufacturers continued to sponsor races to advertise their vehicles. General Motors used similar caravans but included circus acts to make the events even more popular in the small interior towns. The GM circus caravans were enthusiastically welcomed by local inhabitants.

Rather than have rural elites travel to the capital city to see the latest foreign imports, the foreign manufacturers brought elite consumption directly to the countryside and even delivered their new purchases to buyers. On the streets of major Brazilian cities, GM paraded its models covered in white fabric with holes only for the windshields in order to create mystery and excitement about the new line. Sometimes a single, white cloth-covered car would drive in cities or from city to city to pique public curiosity.

General Motors succeeded in making the unveiling of its new models a major event. Studebaker used a similar promotion in Porto Alegre and unveiled its new models on 15 November , the anniversary of the founding of the Brazilian Republic. Ford used special parades of new vehicles to help inaugurate new roads throughout Brazil. Despite the growing nationalist sentiment during the s, American cars and trucks remained the vehicles of choice.

Brazilians showed some pride in efforts to manufacture trucks and buses locally but still had a strong preference for American products. The most obvious ways American auto companies reshaped the physical, economic, and social geography of Brazil was through their public and private support of road building.

The American corporations secretly funded much of the work of the Good Roads Movement and helped plan future highways. By encouraging automobile transportation into the interior of Brazil, these companies began to alter the mental geography of the nation. The American car companies pushed road building for two basic reasons. They knew that an expanding road network would spur demand for more cars, trucks, and buses. If automobility remained primarily urban, it would never be widespread in Brazil.

They had been designed for travel throughout the United States, which had thousands of miles of rural roads, many of them as bad as those in Brazil. When these proved to be too unwieldy, Ford established a vast national network of dealerships. Ford had used medical doctors, pharmacists, mechanics, and even priests to sell cars in small towns. One priest was so good that a Ford executive, Kristian Orberg, remembered his exploits three decades later: The fact is he sold a surprising number of cars in his zone.

They often worked with local bankers and businessmen to determine who had the means to make such purchases. Ford representatives sold the idea of the speed and durability of auto transport over the continued use of oxen and other forms of animal transport. Sales agents in these locations maintained close ties to their customers after their purchases to provide gasoline, oil, service, and repairs on the vehicles.

These local dealers could rely on their monopoly on automotive knowledge to maintain close ties to their customers. As hardy as the Model T and Chevy were, compared with European sedans, they still required extensive service, ranging from brake pad replacements to total engine rebuilds.

In rural Brazil in the s and s, the dealers often owned the only fully equipped garages staffed with trained mechanics. Urban dealers frequently offered very good prices for trade-in vehicles to spur new model sales. The resulting used car inventories had several positive effects on Brazilian automobility.

Dealers sometimes pooled these vehicles for large used car fairs in the cities. Middle-class consumers who could not quite afford new cars had a much easier time purchasing these. Urban dealers also extended their reach into the countryside by marketing used cars in the interior. Often roadmen would drive caravans of used vehicles through small towns and sell their inventory along the way.

Used car owners then had to make ties with local dealers for maintenance and other services, effectively broadening the reach of foreign car companies and their dealers. Ford and the other American auto companies began to notice a sharp rise in demand for trucks in Brazil. With the construction of roads over the course of the late s and s, agricultural producers increasingly replaced rail freight with truck transport.

These were so popular that that ratio of trucks to cars was much higher in Brazil than in most other countries. Between and , it sold more than 7, more tractors for agriculture and construction work.

Many tractors purchased in the s were used by factory owners as generators during periods of electrical brownouts and blackouts. As early as , Ford and his friend Harvey Firestone discussed the idea of jointly owning a massive plantation to supply their businesses with rubber.

When the international price of rubber climbed in the s, in part because of the great expansion of automobility and thus tire manufacture, Ford became receptive to Brazilian offers of a large land concession in the americanism and fordism 81 figure 3. Ford also retained all mineral and land rights, giving it access to all the lumber there and any oil that might be discovered.

It was too hilly and sandy and had highly seasonal rainfall patterns. Consistently hurt by outbreaks of South American leaf blight, this experiment in industrialized agriculture never produced enough rubber to justify its high costs.

They tended to view the project as more the work of Henry Ford the man than of the company that bore his name and that was run by his son Edsel. Therefore there can be only reason for us to rejoice at the interest which the Valley of the Amazon awakened in him. Its editorial took a combative tone in arguing on behalf of the project: Highways and railroads would follow, opening the Amazon to even greater economic development.

Nothing else will explain the lavish expenditures of money, at least three million dollars in the last sixteen months, in laying the foundation of what is evidently planned to become a city of two or three hundred thousand.

The second plantation became known as Belterra. Indeed, they planned these jungle cities without much information about the land or people. Their greatest mistake was the failure to analyze carefully how the rubber trees they planted would fare in a plantation environment, which eventually led to the demise of the project. The actual number was much closer to 3,, which was still a remarkable concentration of workers in the Amazonian jungle. Their initial equipment consisted of three tractors and two trucks, which they rarely used, given the scarcity of fuel in the jungle.

The sawmill that was to provide lumber for construction was in constant disrepair, so most work was done by hand. The brutal environment was the greatest obstacle for these engineers and businessmen.

Of the full-time Ford employees sent to set up the jungle city, 30 were listed as sick in an early report. By , it had 30 kilometers of roads, 10 kilometers of railroad tracks, houses of various sizes, schools, administrative buildings, and a hospital.

These Brazilians were residents of a new and foreign environment. As the town grew, it added an ice-making facility and cinema, water towers and smokestacks. The company refused to cover any of these costs, so the burden on those who were turned away was particularly steep. However, the company made great progress in transforming labor by bringing Fordism to the jungle. The plantations relied on a highly specialized division of labor. From the start, Ford worried about potential labor shortages, and so the company offered extensive training and good wages.

By the early s, the company had managed to stabilize its workforce with such wages. When Ford opened Belterra, it set aside land for growing foodstuffs and pasture land for cattle. Workers could also tend their own gardens around their homes. It included a range of housing facilities from barracks for single men to bungalows for families. Managers lived in large, U.

A Ford Motor Company booklet on the plantations enthusiastically described the new plantation as a modern marvel: But it is Belterra, buried deep in the jungle of Brazil. Women quickly embraced the system of running water in their homes, and Ford changed the menu in its restaurants to include local dishes after the riots. Moreover, Ford ran company stores that provided goods to the workers at discounted prices.

As a testament to the changing buying power and attitudes toward time in this section of the Amazon, a jeweler sold more watches on the Ford plantations than he had ever sold in Manaus. Educated workers with access to health care, high-quality food, and good housing were seen by Ford as capable of operating as modern citizens, and he hoped they would become the templates for all Brazilian working people in both rural areas and the cities.

Throughout the late s and early s, Brazilians and foreign business executives discussed plans for building large-scale tire factories in the Amazon and using automobility in general to transform the interior of Brazil. Long after the company had sold the plantations, much of the infrastructure remained intact, and local residents continued to praise Ford for his attempt to develop the region.

In , Leon Correa Bouillet, the mayor of the area, remarked: Ford built us a hospital; he paid his workers well and gave them good houses. It would be nice if the company would come back. No matter how much he juggled the interests of different groups and even classes according to circumstances, Vargas always maintained a focus on unifying Brazil and fostering a greater sense of nationalism.

Technology broadly and automobility in particular offered Vargas the means to make Brazil a modern nation. The problem he faced was that most Brazilians associated these technologies with foreign corporations, particularly American auto companies. Vargas responded by navigating a middle path between embracing the transformative power of technology and beginning to make the automobile more Brazilian.

He certainly did not set out to create a national automobile industry, and indeed, its establishment came after his death. He next exercised even greater centralizing authority by closing state and municipal legislatures and councils, and then by removing all state governors, except the new Minas leader, who had supported the revolution.

He also created new federal organizations with explicitly national, developmentalist orientations, such as the Ministry of Education and Public Health and the Ministry of Labor. Vargas even moved to gain control over the coffee sector, long the purview of the Paulista elite, with the creation of the National Coffee Department DNC in Local elites often were completely unaware of national politics, and the rural poor were completely disconnected from the nation. These young soldiers also struggled to do their jobs without basic tools, such as adequate topographical maps.

The army relied on rail transport and used the few roads available to them, but chasing a guerrilla force through the interior of Brazil convinced these soldiers that the country needed fundamental change. Inadequate forms of transportation in the interior had to be upgraded, and the disparate state militias had to be brought under national control. Although brief, it had wide-ranging effects on Brazil. Paulista elites relied on a number of Fordist policies to maintain industrial production during the war and so learned that they could indeed emulate the great foreign companies in their own factories.

Both sides also used crude tanks in battle. Cut off from imports, the insurgents had to rely on local industry to manufacture armored railcars and tanks. They were also dependent on local machine shops and mechanics to fashion replacement parts for vehicles.

It is not surprising, therefore, that in the aftermath of the civil war, a steadily increasing number of Brazilian policy makers embraced the idea that they would have to deepen industrial development for strategic, patriotic, and economic reasons by creating a national auto industry Figure 4.

Photo courtesy of the General Motors Corporation. These took on many forms, from supporting the arts to a new emphasis on education. Several programs, such as creating a national road-building plan, promoting tourism, and backing the expansion of auto racing, directly advanced the cause of nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t 95 automobility. He encouraged all Brazilians to physically experience the nation beyond their hometowns and states.

The promotion of automobility also had an established constituency that eagerly worked with the regime to spread the gospel of broad auto ownership. Overall, Vargas nearly doubled the kilometers of highways and roads in Brazil from , in to , in Still, only about 15, kilometers of these roads were considered usable in all weather conditions. In , for example, the federal government allocated U.

Other roads were of poor quality, and most of Brazil lacked even rudimentary transportation links. In contrast 96 autos and progress to raids, which were exercises in speed and endurance, the government wanted to promote trips into the interior as a way to instill a love of Brazil among the population. These forces coalesced around the idea of promoting national tourism.

The nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t 97 Automobile Club did not imagine that it would also play a central role in the development of interstate tourism in the s. In reality, the revolt was little more than an elite rejection of a new tax regime foisted on Brazil from Portugal, but the Vargas administration reinterpreted it as a celebration of nationalism and a strong central state.

Such experiences, government planners hoped, would foster national pride. The strategy was a bit ahead of its time, for only the well-to-do could afford such vacations in the s, when auto ownership was still quite limited.

The national government and several state governments worked to improve roads and develop other sites for potential visitors. These efforts forced local politicians and business leaders to think about the place of their cities and states within Brazil.

Still, the Vargas administration, various state governments, and auto and touring clubs sought to build a broad sense of Brazilianness by encouraging vacation travel, and in doing so they popularized the sort of mobility that in the past had been associated only with migration, often due to drought and other dire circumstances.

He argued for both grand prix—style racing and broad car ownership and even for the creation of a Brazilian auto industry. Traditionally, auto racing in Brazil involved different classes of cars competing within categories of engine size. Fords, Chevies, Dodges, and Studebakers continued to dominate in these races that used crude tracks or cordoned-off city streets. The grand prix also witnessed the momentous debut of Chico Landi, who became perhaps the single most important individual in the development of motor sports in Brazil.

He left school at 11 to become a mechanic and later worked for a local Hudson dealership, where he prepared cars for sale. Often in trouble with the police, Landi became a local legend for the street races he held against local chauffeurs.

Although he did not win a grand prix until , he quickly established himself as the most popular driver in Brazil. It was increasingly obvious to Vargas and others that large numbers of Brazilians were attracted to automobile racing. Although its popularity would never rival that of soccer, auto sport had become an important and unique form of popular entertainment in Brazil.

Vargas also approved a special lottery to fund national road building and new tourist facilities, as well as a new national raceway for the capital. This federal funding helped to pay for motor sports and lent additional stature to racing. Soon, other cities throughout Brazil began work on major new raceways.

According to a U. Racing became so popular that advocates of a Brazilian manufactured car believed that auto sports would convince public and private interests to support such an industry. Such centralized control over road building represented a major advance in state making. Politically, the new rules allowed Vargas to insert the national government directly in the affairs of cities and states. To further spur Paulista mobility, the state forbade individual municipalities from charging taxes or tolls on motorists passing through towns.

According to statistics compiled soon afterward, the presence of Paulista police in their crisp uniforms and white pith helmets led to a marked decrease in the number of pedestrian injuries in Rio during their week in service.

Unlike previous roads congresses and other gatherings sponsored by the national and state auto clubs, Transit Week was not secretly underwritten by foreign car companies or held to get the attention of state authorities. This meeting was sponsored by two federal ministries Transportation and Justice and then coordinated by a civic organization the Touring Club.

Beyond the two railroads serving the west from the center-south, however, most travel in the interior continued on colonial-era roads and paths, thus limiting the impact of the ambitious settlement program. For Brazil, the steel age will mark the period of our economic opulence. Few associated with the CSN openly spoke in such terms when the plant went into production in , but many people tied to the project privately saw important linkages between Volta Redonda and national nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t auto production Figure 4.

When the domestic auto industry began production in the mid to late s, it became a key consumer of CSN steel. If the personal mobility of travel into the interior fostered a cultural cannibalism, putting industrialism in a former coffee county would bring the economic modernization and social development implied in modernity.

In its design and operation, the city of Volta Redonda itself invoked automobility. As a state enterprise, the CSN had to embrace the paternalistic figure 4. In practice, living and work arrangements in the city went well beyond government policies and took on an openly Fordist orientation. Workers lived in new, specially designed, company-subsidized housing. Its medical facilities were state of the art. For strategic reasons, the U.

The truck cabs where completely manufactured locally. Throughout its early years, the FNM emulated a Fordist enterprise as best it could, even maintaining its own farm to provide inexpensive foodstuffs for its employees.

Use of such alternative energy sources was forced on Brazil by the severe wartime gasoline rationing. Brazilian factories produced machines for use with foreign-made autos that freed drivers from dependence on oil and helped them maintain their way of life in the face of wartime shortages.

There was no particular evidence that the nation had oil, but the enormous size of the country and the fact that so little was known about whole regions, particularly the Amazon, led many to believe it must be there. The administration of President Eurico Gaspar Dutra — faced increasingly vocal calls to take some action to protect the nation from the power of American and British oil companies.

With a steadily increasing number of cars, trucks, and buses being imported in the aftermath of the war, and with the promise of at least some domestic vehicle manufacture by the FNM, Brazilians worried that oil shortages could derail their national progress. No one lives with a borrowed heart! Vargas submitted legislation in December that would have allowed national nat i o na l i s t d e v e l o p m e n t and foreign capital to combine for some projects, but members of Congress from practically every political party gave the government even more control of private capital.

With steel produced at Volta Redonda, trucks from the National Motors Factory, and oil supplied by Petrobras, Brazil had created a great deal of economic integration and could fully embrace the transformative power of automobility. Although the nation lacked an effective network of roads, let alone highways, and the FNM produced few trucks and Petrobras little domestic oil, the nation seemed to have reached the point from which its progress was assured.

In addition to having the tools to unify and transform the nation, Brazilians would become truly modern through Brazilian means. At the same time, the Brazilian and U. Almost a quarter of a century after the revolution of , Brazil seemed to be on the path laid out by modernist intellectuals and auto enthusiasts beginning in the s and s.

Vargas, however, knew better. Although he had done a great deal to further the causes of national economic integration and development, and autos and progress figure 4.

The expansion of bus travel in the s accelerated internal migration, especially from the northeast to the center-south. His program of national political and economic integration was not just supposed to free Brazil from the vicissitudes of export boom-and-bust cycles; it was to make Brazil a powerful nation.

The untenable compromise between nationalist state enterprises and reliance on foreign corporations weighed heavily on Vargas and combined with a series of political scandals to exhaust him. He famously commented on his deteriorating political position: He committed suicide in the Presidential Catete Palace on 24 August I wished to bring national freedom in the use of our resources by means of Petrobras; this had hardly begun to operate when the wave of agitation swelled.

They do not want the Brazilian people to be free. At best, the Vargas years had only begun the process of making Brazil less vulnerable to the swings of the international economy or less dependent on foreign trade.

Juscelino Kubitschek and the National Auto Industry uscelino Kubitschek traveled throughout Brazil during his campaign for the presidency. He wanted to see and be seen in as many different parts of the nation as possible. As a presidential candidate, he realized that only a program of massive public works projects to push forward industrialization and national unity could make Brazil modern.

He summarized his vision with the slogan Fifty Years of Progress in Five. The new president, born in , had grown up in Minas Gerais in an era of economic development and technological innovation. As a young man, JK worked as a telegraph operator to pay for medical school. He later practiced medicine and then traveled to Europe for advanced study in urology. While abroad, Kubitschek began to see the impact of modern technology and economic development on other societies. These experiences, along with his interest in modern medicine, led JK to believe that public and private interests would have to consciously set about transforming Brazil—physically and economically—for its people to become citizens in a modern, capitalist democracy.

The Vargas era had left Brazil with the economic and political infrastructure for the ongoing industrialization of the nation. Vargas attempted to solve the social question of broad popular incorporation within the polity through state institutions.

His suicide marked the end of such top-down attempts to bring the disenfranchised into the system through controlled inclusion in state-sponsored entities. He expanded on the existing framework for increased automobility Volta Redonda, Petrobras, the recommendations of the Joint U.

He used developmentalist projects in lieu of immediate political incorporation, hoping that the social and economic transformations brought about—in this case, the creation of a middle class—would smooth the transition to broad electoral participation. That is, he attempted to radically, but peacefully, transform Brazilian society.

Kubitscheck was a charismatic politician with broad popular appeal. As the mayor of Belo Horizonte and then governor of Minas Gerais, JK used modern planning to expand the generation and distribution of electricity autos and progress and the building of roads. He even teamed with architect Oscar Niemeyer to create a modern new neighborhood in Belo Horizonte.

Kubitschek, perhaps more than any leading Brazilian politician before him, rejected the tenets of laissez-faire capitalism and instead embraced the idea of using the state to plan the development of the nation. One of his frequent slogans on the campaign trail was More Energy, More Roads!

A study done in Rio Grande do Sul found that the single most important thing the government could do to improve the state was build more roads. Moreover, despite the nationalist rhetoric of the Vargas years and the pride so many had in both the National Motors Factory and the newly founded Petrobras, Brazilians in and broadly supported the entrance of foreign companies to help develop the nation.

Sizable numbers of Brazilians held these views in the early s because so many of them had experienced some aspect of automobility. In addition to the constant t h e m u lt i nat i o na l s o l u t i o n barrage of car ads they had seen since the s and the rise of auto sports during the s and s, Brazilians were also increasingly traveling to other parts of the country by bus.

Although they preferred almost every other form of travel, most Cariocas of all social classes had taken a bus trip to another city by Indeed, elites relied on intercity bus travel much more than members of any other social class in the early s. Paulistanos frequently noted their desire to own Chevies and Fords; Cariocas nearly obsessed about the possibility of driving a Cadillac. This fascination with the American luxury brand became known as cadilaquismo, and those lucky enough to own the cars were referred to simply as cadilaquenos.

Economic Development Commission by focusing on bottlenecks in industrial production and transportation and by adding a few key programs that spoke to Brazilian aspirations. Only one concerned a consumer good. The others called for increased rubber production Target 25 , autos and progress the construction of cold storage warehouses 15 , and increases in cement 22 and alkali 23 production. Moreover, production of passenger cars was more complicated, for Brazilian autos would have to compete in terms of styling, features, and reliability with the foreign-made vehicles that had recently been imported.

Commission that had called for improved transportation networks to facilitate trade. Ford and GM resisted manufacturing cars in Brazil because they considered that market to be too small. Mercedes-Benz was soon producing one bus and two truck models in new Brazilian facilities.

Photo courtesy of the Arquivo Nacional do Brasil. With declining Jeep sales after the war and ongoing problems with the Kaiser-Frazer line of automobiles, Kaiser looked to reduce costs by locating new production facilities in Latin America. These developments could take place only if they were broad based, with roads throughout the nation and autos owned by as many Brazilians as possible. When speaking to Brazilian audiences, he invoked familiar themes of national development.

Instead, they promised the Brazilian government they would expand truck manufacture there while continuing to assemble cars produced in American factories. Volkswagen agreed to manufacture a full line of automobiles only after reviewing the economic incentives offered by the Kubitschek administration and the disincentives to continued imports established by the GEIA. Kaiser proposed building a forge, foundry, engine plant, stamping facilities, and an assembly line.

In addition to the 40, engines for these vehicles, Willys-Overland do Brasil WOB would manufacture another 40, for commercial sales and replacements.

In addition to stoking national pride, WOB also provided a unique mix of autos that met a broad range of Brazilian tastes and needs. By , Volkswagen was selling more Brazilian-made vehicles than any other manufacturer, including Willys-Overland do Brasil. In , it launched the JK compact sedan as an homage to the outgoing president who had installed the national auto industry. In , IBOPE polled a group of foreign auto company executives and found a deep and growing demand for a wide variety of auto parts.

During the decade of the s, the number and size of auto parts suppliers grew steadily. In , for example, Ford trucks used about 2, Brazilian-made parts, and by the company reported that it used more than 3, such components. Willys reported similarly impressive growth in the use of Brazilian-made auto parts throughout its vehicle line.

The foreign auto companies also spurred the manufacture of new products, such as shatter-resistant glass for windshields. He spoke of how autos were unifying the nation and revealing its great potential.

He concluded his speech: The president never hesitated to praise the efforts of the foreign auto companies in transforming the nation. At the opening of that WOB transmission factory, he said: It was a symbolic gift, because the Brazilian auto industry sought to export its products as well as meet local demand. So, when Chile imported Brazilian Jeeps, the press noted that the auto industry was not only transforming the nation but also differentiating it from the rest of Latin America.

Manuel Prado, the president of Peru, made similar comments when he visited the WOB plant and drove in Brazilian-made vehicles during his state visit. Exporting autos, as opposed to coffee and other agricultural products, signaled that perhaps Brazil was reaching its potential even before the interior had been settled and transformed through automobility.

The other foreign companies soon built their own facilities. These companies also introduced modern planning and accounting divisions and imported the latest computers from IBM to handle administrative tasks. Photo courtesy of the Studebaker National Museum and Library. Willys continued to work with the government throughout the s to market its autos to farmers and other interior folk.

It sought to counter recent plant expansions by General Motors and Volkswagen and to promote the use of its vehicles throughout the nation, especially in the impoverished northeast. The dominance of Ford and General Motors for so many years had also tied automobility to American notions of consumerism, the middle class, and even democracy. One DKW-Vemag ad showed a boy taking a picture of his parents, brother, and cocker spaniel by their station wagon parked in the driveway of their ranch house.

Volkswagen marketed its Kombi van as the ideal family vehicle for doing the shopping, as well as going camping. These companies, however, had to balance the positive aspects of their status as foreign—particularly in how they represented American notions of consumerism and a middle-class lifestyle—with Brazilian nationalist pride in their burgeoning domestic industry.

First and foremost, WOB did this by selling equity in the company to Brazilians. In a company publication highlighting its Brazilian ownership, WOB included photos of nine shareholders, including a student, machinist, dentist, barber, civil engineer, and military man, among others. As a Brazilian-owned company, Willys could receive government loans for factory expansion, worker training, and other programs.

Experience of Classification Analysis by Blagoveschensky, Yu. Economic and Institutional Aspects by Zubarevich, N. Progetto e crisi del mercato urbano by Piergiorgio Vitillo Perequazione urbanistica "estesa", rendita e finanziarizzazione immobiliare: Starting at the right place by Stanley, John K. Evaluation and policy perspectives by Duran-Fernandez, Roberto Spatially blind trade and fiscal impact policies and their impact on regional economies by Hewings, Geoffrey J.

Implications of the land lease by Anglin, Paul M. Are targets the answer? Enhancer or Constraint for Regional Governments' Efficiency? New patterns of economic convergence and divergence? What is the Unique Selling Point? Blanco by Ken, Crucita Aurora Successful universities towards the improvement of regional competitiveness: A Taxing Decision by Dan S. Predicting property price effects of transport innovations by Ahlfeldt, Gabriel M.

Do creative service industries spillovers cross regional boundaries? The Location and Diffusion of Scientific Research: Australia by Robert J. Is There Any Link? Ist Frankreich das neue Sorgenkind Europas? General Tax Incentives vs. The Asian model vs. Does innovation policy add anything? The relevance of market screens in the regional aid guidelines by Hans W. Florax The regional employment impacts of renewable energy expenditures: Rickman Collective Efficiency Strategies: Empirical Evidence from the CEE - Vantaggi comparati, costi di transazione e contenuto dei fattori nel commercio agricolo: Brain competition policy as a new breed of locational policy with positive externalities by Christian Reiner The territorial dimension in EU policies: Technology transfer offices as mediators of university-industry linkages by Reiner, Christian The regional public spending for tourism in Italy: Rose, Olfert Does Mediterranean define an economic region?

Maxwell Spatial integration in European cross-border metropolitan regions: Panennungi Intergovernmental Relations and Decentralization in Indonesia: Is there a correlation? A model to change or a model of change? Beyond Individual Characteristics vs. Was war und was ist heute mit der Wirtschaft? La Fondazione per il Sud by Silvia Bolchi Las visiones sobre instituciones y desarrollo regional en el Caribe colombiano: Un debate en marcha by William R.

Where is the Italy System Headed? Funda Barbaros Ostdeutschland 20 Jahre nach dem Mauerfall: Bartik Agglomeration and inequality across space: What can we learn from the European experience?

DG Agri project G Antes e Depois da Democracia by Martins, J. Albuquerque Positive externalities of congestion, human capital, and socio-economic factors: A case study of chronic illness in Japan by yamamura, eiji Cooperation networks and innovation: Robinson Building a bridge across CBA traditions: Untapped Potential in America's Heartland?

Rephann The Role of Research in Wine: A Regional Study by V. Where Did the Subsidies Flow? Venables Geographic Redistribution of the U. Robert Reed Power sector reform, private investment and regional co-operation by Newbery, D. Uma abordagem economica aplicada a Regiao do Douro by Rebelo, J. Lessons From a Regional Analysis by W.

Rogers New Zealand Regions, Eine neue Kooperations-Kultur im frankophonen Afrika? An approach through economic and social cohesion by Cuadrado-Roura , Juan R. Convergencia real y cohesi? Effets institutionnels, effets de territoire ou construction des acteurs locaux?

Ederveen Fertile soil for structural funds? Erickcek Fertile Soil for Structural Funds? An essay in honour of Prof. Two frontiers for regional science:

Were impressed with Nye casino siderurgia industrialization and urbanization them

An Analysis of Urban vs. Rural Recovery in Nevada Department of Employment, Nye Lyon Storey County Industrial Sand Mining. Africa s rapid urbanization can drive industrialization, says new UN report. The Bethlehem Steel plant in Pennsylvania went bankrupt in , and has since been demolished to build the Sands Casino. Deindustrialization or deindustrialisation.

Casino spil for sjovt musikfest 2019